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ALBANY 

J. R LYON COMPANY, PRINTERS 

1904 



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D. of D. 
OCT 7 * 1918 



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Commissioners Ma J- Gen - daniel e. sickles, u. s. a., 

Maj. Gen. DANIEL E. SICKLES, U. S. A. Chairman 

Bvt. Maj. Gen. ALEX. S. WEBB 

Bvt. Brig. Gen. ANSON G. McCOOK A. J. ZABRISKIE, 

Col. LEWIS R. STEGMAN Engineer and Secretary 

Col. CLINTON BECKWITH 

Maj. CHARLES A. RICHARDSON 

Bvt. Maj. THOMAS W. BRADLEY 

Brig. Gen. NELSON H. HENRY, Adj. Genl., S. N. Y. 



New York Monuments Commission 

FOR THE 

Battlefields of Gettysburg and Chattanooga 

23 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK 



February 1, 1904 

To His Excellency the Governor of the State of New York 

Sir: — Pursuant to the provisions of chapter 600, Laws of 1903, 
the New York Monuments Commission for the Battlefields of Gettys- 
burg and Chattanooga has the honor to submit herewith its report 
of the exercises held at the dedication of the equestrian statue at 
Gettysburg, erected in honor of Major-General HENRY W. SLOCUM, 
to which has been added a biography of his life and a history of 
the corps which served under his command. 

Yours obediently 

DANIEL E. SICKLES 

Chairman 






Znblc of Contents. 



Introductory — Report of Monuments Commission - - 5 

Order of the Day — Military Parade - - - - 21 

Invocation by Rev. W. T. Pray, D. D. 26 

Letter of Lt. -Gen. James Longstreet, C. S. A. - 28 

Address by Maj.-Gen. Daniel E. Sickles, U. S. A. - - 29 

Address by Governor Benj. B. Odell, Jr., of New York - 35 

Address by Governor William A. Stone, of Pennsylvania - - :38 

Address by Governor Franklin Murphy, of New Jersey - 39 

Oration by Gen. James C. Rogers, U. S. V. - - - - 40 

Oration by Col. Archie E. Baxter, U. S. V. - - 51 

Reunion of Greene's Brigade, at Gulp's Hill - - 60 

Life of General Slocum .--- ... (j3 

Incidents at West Point -_- gg 

Retires from the Army -------- 68 

Elected to New York Legislature - - 68 

Appointment in Volunteer Service ------ 69 

Services at Battle of Bull Run -------70 

Peninsular Campaign ------- 71 

Maryland Campaign --- 72 

Chancellorsville -------- 75 

Gettysburg - - - - - - - - -76 

Atlanta --------- 91 

March to the Sea - - - - - 98 

Campaign of the Carolinas - 99 

Vicksburg ---------- 102 

In Congress --------- 108 

History of the Twelfth Corps 117 

Battle of Kernstown - -----121 

Winchester - - 122 

Cedar Mountain - 127 



liable of Contente 

History of the Twelfth Corps — Continued. Page. 

Battle of Manassas - - - - - - - - -185 

Antietam --------- 136 

Chancellorsville - ..-----1.57 

Gettysburg - 172 

Wauhatchie - - - 202 

Lookout Mountain ------ 208 

Missionary Ridge - - - - - - - -215 

Ringgold - - 217 

History of the Twentieth Corps 228 

Battle of Rocky Face Ridge - 238 

Resaca - 240 

New Hope Church 249 

Pine Hill - - 254 

Kolb'sFarm 256 

Peach Tree Creek 261 

Siege of Atlanta -------- 266 

March to the Sea - 277 

Siege of Savannah -------- 288 

Campaign of the Carolinas ------- 293 

Averasborough -------- 303 

Bentonville - - 306 

The Last Shot - ------ 312 

Gettysburg National Park — Report - - - - - - -319 



Xist of Wlustratfons- 



Portrait of Maj. -Gen. II. W. Slocuni 

The Slocum Monument at Gettysburg 

Bronze Tablet, west side - - 

Bronze Tablet, east side - - 

Headquarters Party, September 20, 1902 

The Watts House 

Crampton's Pass --...- 

Monument on South Mountain - 

Dunker Church, Antietam - - 

Monument to General Mansfield 

Portion of Antietam Battlefield 

The Chancellor House 

The Plank Road, Chancellorsville - 

Hazel Grove, Chancellorsville - - - 

Portion of Gettysburg Battlefield - 

Slocum Statue, Gettysburg Battlefield 

Line of Greene's Brigade, Culp's Hill, Gettysburg - 

Swale near Spangler's Spring, Gettysburg - 

Wauhatchie Valley and Battlefield - 

Lookout Mountain, from Wauhatchie Valley 

Battlefield of Lookout Mountain 

The Craven House, Lookout Mountain 

Monument to New York Brigade, Lookout Mountain 

Position of Twelfth Corps ; Missionary Ridge 

The Pass at Ringgold - - 

Portion of the Battlefield of Resaca 

The Harper House, Bentonville 



Page. 

Frontispiece 

Facing 8 

24 

40 

48 

70 

72 

74 

136 

140 

142 

160 

166 

170 

176 

178 

180 

182 

202 

208 

210 

212 

214 

216 

218 

248 

:i08 



flftaps. 



Battlefield of Antietam - 
Battlefield of Chancellorsville 
Battlefield of Gettysburg 
Battlefield of Lookout Mountain 



144 
158 
172 
204 



Tin flfcemoriam 
Menr^ Warner Slocum 



Untrofcuctor^ 

A MEETING of the New York Monuments Commission for 
the Battlefield of Gettysburg was held April 17, 1894, to 
take some appropriate action touching the death of Major- 
General Henry W. Slocum, one of its members, who died at his 
residence in Brooklyn, N. Y. , on Saturday, April 14, 1894. The 
following preamble and resolutions, offered by General Sickles, 
Chairman, were unanimously adopted : 

Whereas, This Board has learned with profound sorrow of the sudden 
decease of our colleague, Major-General Henry Warner Slocum ; therefore, be it 

Resolved, That the Secretary be directed to enter upon the minutes this 
expression of our sense of the bereavement we have suffered; and we unite 
with our comrades of the Union Army, and especially the surviving veterans of 
the State of New York, in placing on record our appreciation of the distin- 
guished military services of the deceased and the high standard of rectitude 
and honor which marked all his conduct in his civil life; 

Resolved, That this Board, as a bod} - , attend the funeral of General 
Slocum, to-day, in Brooklyn. 

Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions be sent to the widow and family 
of the deceased. 



Menri? TKflarner Slocum 

A bill was prepared by his surviving colleagues of the Gettys- 
burg Commission, providing for the expenditure of twenty-five 
thousand dollars ($25,000) for placing an equestrian statue of Gen- 
eral Slocum on the Battlefield of Gettysburg. Hon. John Raines, 
on February 5, 1895, introduced this bill in the State Senate, and 
it was referred to the Committee on Finance. 

The Common Council of the City of Brooklyn, on December 10, 
1894, adopted a resolution recommending to the State Legislature 
the erection of a statue at Gettysburg to General Slocum. 

Senator Raines again introduced, on January 23, 1896, a similar 
bill to that of the previous year, which was passed with some 
amendments March 30, 189G, becoming a law April 4. 1896, with 
the approval of the Governor. 

At a meeting of the Board, held April 25, 1896, the action of 
the Legislature was reviewed by the Chairman, who advised his 
colleagues that he considered the proper location for the statue an 
important feature, and a visit to the battlefield by a Committee of 
the Legislature would afford an opportunity to get their views on 
the selection of a site; also for the inspection of the work already 
done at Gettysburg by this Commission. This suggestion was 
embodied in the following action : 

Resolved, That the Chairman be and is hereby authorized to invite four- 
teen members of the Legislature, including the President of the Senate and the 
Speaker of the Assembly — the members of each house to be designated by 
the presiding officer, respectively — to visit the Battlefield of Gettysburg, as the 
guests of the Commissioners, and advise them in the selection of a site for 
the bronze equestrian statue to Major-General Henry Warner Slocum, deceased, 
provided for by Chapter 203, Laws of 1896, and also to inspect the work 
already dene on said field under the direction of the Gettysburg Commissioners. 

In pursuance thereto, the Commissioners, accompanied by the 
Legislative party selected by the President of the Senate and the 
Speaker of the Assembly, left New York for Gettysburg on May 1, 
1896, returning May third. The location where the monument 
is erected was chosen on this occasion. 

Subsequently, A. J. Zabriskie, Engineer, with Major Richard- 
son, of the National Park Commission, who is also a member of 
this Board, designated the boundaries of a plot about 100 feet 



Menn? TOivner Slocum 

square, embracing the above mentioned site, which was surveyed 
by the Engineer of the National Park Commission and the result 
traced on a map at the office of the New York Commission. This 
tracing was forwarded to the National Park Commission for their 
approval of the site and for that of the Secretary of War, which was 
given January 19, 1899, as per endorsement on the map now on file 
at the office of the Secretary of the State of New York. 

Invitations were extended, from time to time, to submit a 
design for the Slocum statue, to such sculptors as had expressed a 
desire to offer sketch models for the work. These models began 
to reach the office of the Commission during the early part of 1897, 
and in April of that year they were set up in a large room at their 
office. Ten models, the majority of them about three-fourths of 
an inch to a foot, the work of nine sculptors, were examined fre- 
quently by members of the Board; and, at a meeting held June 15, 
1897, the relative merits of the respective designs were fully dis- 
cussed. It was apparent from the opinions expressed, that while 
each model possessed points worthy of favorable commendation, no 
one of them was altogether satisfactory. The Chairman was, 
therefore, authorized to invite the artists to submit other designs. 
At the request of several sculptors, the Construction Committee, 
at a meeting August 31, 1897, extended the time for the reception 
of designs to October 11, 1897. 

As a result of the action of the Commission, at their meeting 
June 15, 1897, and of further inquiries on the part of other artists, 
eighteen models, from seventeen sculptors, were submitted and 
placed on exhibition in a large room. Each of the models was 
numbered, and in the examination and balloting which followed, 
the name of the sculptor was not identified with his work, nor 
known except to the Engineer of the Commission. These models 
received careful inspection. 

The Board met December 10, 1897, for the formal inspection 
and discussion of the various designs. After a series of balloting, 
the question of cost upon the lines indicated in the several designs 
that received favorable consideration was next taken up, and the 
Chairman and Engineer were instructed to invite proposals from 
five sculptors for furnishing a full-sized plaster model, about one and 



Menn> Udarner ©locum 

a half life size, and to make inquiries from bronze founders as to the 
probable cost of casting the same. 

These estimates were submitted by the Chairman to his col- 
leagues, at a Board meeting held December 28, 1897, when the 
terms of the several propositions were fully canvassed and attention 
given to the probable cost of an appropriate pedestal. It was 
found that the money available from the present appropriation 
would provide an insufficient sum for a suitable pedestal. This 
question was taken up at a meeting of the Board, January 6, 
1898, at which time the Chairman stated that he called together 
those of his colleagues who were in the city, to confer with them 
before making application to the Legislature for an additional 
appropriation. 

The design of Mr. Edward C. Potter having been adopted by 
the Commissioners, and his proposal accepted by the Board, a con- 
tract, bearing date of January 18, 1898, was duly executed by him 
and the Chairman, on behalf of this Board. 

Mr. Potter shortly after began the preparation of a one-third 
size model, as stipulated by the contract, and at the invitation of 
the Commission, several members of the family of General Slocum 
and intimate friends inspected the model at Mr. Potter's studio in 
New York. It was likewise critically examined, from time to 
time, by members of the Board and the Engineer. The Construc- 
tion Committee, on January 19, 1899, made a formal examination, 
upon notification of the completion of the model by Mr. Potter, 
and expressed their approval of it. 

A design for the pedestal was prepared by the Engineer, under 
the direction of the Chairman, at the office of the Commission. 
This design was accepted at a meeting of the Board, December 27, 

1900, after a full discussion. Tenders for the various parts of the 
contemplated work were submitted at this meeting and referred to 
the Construction Committee, which canvassed the bids January 21, 

1901. A contract, bearing date April 6, 1901, was executed with 
C. E. Tayntor & Co., for the construction and erection of the 
pedestal of Barre granite. The foundation of the pedestal was 
put in by George W. Lady & Son, of Gettysburg. An addi- 
tional sum of five thousand dollars ($5,000) was appropriated by 
Chapter 645, Laws of 1901. 

8 






THE SLOCUM MONUMENT. 

View from easterly side. Citizens Cemetery in ri«lit background; buildings in left middleground are on 

Baltimore Pike. 



Henn? TRHarner Slocum 

The full-sized model of the statue was inspected from time to 
time, as the work progressed, at the studio of Mr. Potter, at 
Enfield, Mass., by members of the Board and the Engineer. The 
final inspection of the plaster model, by the Chairman, took place 
on February 1, 1901, at Enfield, Mass. 

The contract for the statue in bronze was awarded by the Chair- 
man to the Gorham Manufacturing Company, and was dated June 
10, 1901. 

On May 7, 1901, the work of construction of the foundation was 
begun. Its dimensions are twenty-two feet long by sixteen feet 
two inches wide and six feet four inches deep, composed of a mono- 
lith of concrete five feet high, capped with a course of dimension 
stone sixteen inches thick, of Gettysburg granite. The Barre 
granite for the pedestal was delivered at Gettysburg, November 
19- December 10, 1901, and on May 8, 1902, the work of setting 
the granite was begun. The large granite cap was placed in posi- 
tion July 29, 1902. 

Mr. Potter, the sculptor, and Engineer Zabriskie, visited the 
foundry of the Gorham Manufacturing Company, at Providence, 
several times during the progress of the casting and finishing of the 
statue. On Saturday, August 2, 1902, General Sickles and several 
of his colleagues of the Board, Mr. Potter, and the Engineer, visited 
the foundry for a final inspection of the statue before shipping to 
Gettysburg. The Board expressed their satisfaction with the work, 
which reached Gettysburg on August 13, and was set in place 
August 18, 1902. The contract for the bronze tablets on the 
pedestal was awarded to the Gorham Manufacturing Company who 
executed the contract with this Commission on June 24, 1902. 
On September third, the work of placing tablets in position was 
completed. 

Arrangements were made in August, 1902, through Major 
Richardson, for the labor and material required for grading around 
the base of the pedestal, which was later covered with fine lime- 
stone screenings, for its protection and to better its general appear- 
ance during the period of dedication. 

The general dimensions of the granite pedestal are twenty-one 
feet eight inches long, fifteen feet ten inches wide, and sixteen feet 
three and one-half inches high, divided into ten courses. The 



3Hcnn> THUarncr Slocum 

bronze statue, including plinth, is fifteen feet six inches to the top 
of the head of the rider; the plinth measuring eleven feet nine and 
three-quarter inches long by four feet wide. The bronze letter tab- 
lets on the sides of the granite pedestal are each four feet nine and 
three-quarter inches wide by three feet ten and one-eighth inches 
high. Total cost $29,941.57. Amount appropriated .$30,000. 

Important parts of the work having been awarded and its com- 
pletion assured without question by the autumn of 1902, the matter 
of an appropriate dedication at that time received the attention of 
the Chairman, early in that year, and its proposed plan and scope in 
general terms tentative^ outlined. 

General Sickles visited Albany, March 17, 1902, and conferred 
with His Excellency the Governor, and members of the Finance 
Committee of the Senate and the Ways and Means Committee of 
the House, explaining his plans and expressing his desire to procure 
an appropriation for the transportation of survivors of the Twelfth 
and Twentieth Corps, the Governor and his staff and an escort of 
the National Guard, the family of General Slocum, and the inci- 
dental expenses connected therewith. A draft of an item to be 
placed in the Supplemental Supply Bill, embodying the views of 
the Chairman, was submitted by him upon the occasion of another 
visit to Albany, March 24, 1902, which draft was later revised on 
his return to New York, as a result of this visit, and the revised 
draft forwarded the following morning to the Chairman of the 
Finance Committee of the Senate. 

The item, as amended, was placed in the Supplemental Supply 
Bill, which became a law, with the approval of the Governor, April 
15, 1902. This act provided $12,500 for the transportation to 
Gettysburg of fifty survivors of each of the New York regiments 
belonging to the Twelfth and Twentieth Corps, together with the 
Governor and staff and the family of General Slocum. The Chair- 
man designated September nineteenth-twentieth as the dates for 
the dedication of the monument, which was ratified by the Board at 
its meeting May 5, 1902, and Friday, September nineteenth, was 
fixed as the date for the dedication ceremonies. 

The Board authorized the Chairman to proceed with the necessary 
arrangements to carry out the provisions of the act. 

From official sources, it was learned that nineteen New York 

10 



Heni*£ TOrner Slocum 

regiments of infantry and five batteries of artillery belonged to the 
Twelfth and Twentieth Corps, as follows: Twenty-eighth, Forty- 
fifth, Fifty-eighth, Sixtieth, Sixty-eighth, Seventy-eighth, One 
Hundred and Second, One Hundred and Seventh, One Hundred 
and Nineteenth, One Hundred and Twenty-third, One Hundred 
and Thirty-fourth, One Hundred and Thirty-sixth, One Hun- 
dred and Thirty-seventh, One Hundred and Forty-first, One Hun- 
dred and Forty-third, One Hundred and Forty-fifth, One Hundred 
and Forty-ninth, One Hundred and Fiftieth and One Hundred and 
Fifty-fourth New York Infantry, Batteries I, K, M, First N. Y. 
Light Artillery, and the Tenth and Thirteenth Independent Bat- 
teries. The five batteries were considered in the allotment of fifty 
survivors as one regiment, which gave a representation of ten sur- 
vivors for each. The Twenty-seventh New York Infantry, of which 
General Slocum was the first colonel, was later included in the list 
to which the Engineer was instructed to issue free transportation also. 

Application was made, in a communication dated June 20, 1902, 
to the commissioner of the passenger department of the Trunk Line 
Association, for an authorization of a one-fare rate, short line mile- 
age, for this occasion. A desire was expressed that the same rates 
of fare be extended also to all those who wished to accompany 
survivors. A list of stations was prepared and appended. 

The rate asked for was authorized and the same was extended 
to comrades, families and friends of the survivors. The legislative 
enactment authorizing this movement specified that the survivors 
entitled to this transportation should be designated by the respective 
regimental organizations. Correspondence was, therefore, opened 
with the executive officers of these veteran organizations, and on 
June 23, 1902, Circular No. 1 was sent out, advising the recipients 
of the matter in hand, fixing the date for ceremonies of* dedication, 
and requesting the preparation of a list of fifty honorably-discharged 
veterans of their respective regiments, who were to receive from the 
State, through this Commission, free transportation. Blank muster 
rolls were transmitted on which to prepare these lists. 

Circular No. 2, dated July 9, 1902, was promulgated to embody 
the substance of the decision of the Trunk Line Association, author- 
izing the one fare rate and to issue a circular of rates, stations, rail- 
roads, etc., hereinbefore referred to. The form of transportation 

orders and the manner of their distribution were also given in this 

n 



Henr^ XRHarncr Slocum 

circular, which was followed on the same day by Circular No. 3, out- 
lining the plan and scope of the dedication ceremonies, and which 
was issued for the information of the general public. 

Under date September ninth and tenth, circulars were issued, 
and with each certificate there was sent a bulletin of instructions 
relating to the manner of exchange of the certificate, its return if 
not used, dates of exchange and the information that tent accommo- 
dations would be provided on Culp's Hill, adjacent to the site of 
the monument, for those who desired quarters under canvas. 
The first certificate was issued on August 22, 1902, and the work 
of preparation and forwarding of certificates to the senior officer of 
each of the organizations continued uninterruptedly until Septem- 
ber sixteenth. 

A suitable design for the cards of invitation to the ceremonies was 
prepared at this office, under the direction of the Chairman, and the 
requisite plates engraved. Five hundred cards were printed there- 
from and 480 invitations sent out. Careful study was likewise 
bestowed upon the design, workmanship and character of the paper 
for the transportation orders, to be issued by this Commission, so 
that their proper use might be reasonably safeguarded. 

There were 986 certificates issued, 34 of which were to survivors 
of the five batteries hereinbefore mentioned; 710 to survivors of the 
nineteen New York regiments of the Twelfth and Twentieth Corps, 
and 40 to the Twenty-seventh New York Infantry ; 25 each to the 
Eighty-fourth and One Hundred and Forty-seventh New York, of 
the First Corps; 3 to Field and Staff Officers; 1 to an employee of 
the Adjutant-General's office (who was detailed to look after the can- 
vas procured by this Commission from the Quartermaster's Depart- 
ment); 1 to the Commander of Slocum Post; 6 to survivors of 
Sickles' Excelsior Brigade; 12 to members and guests of the Army 
of the Potomac Society; 21 to members of the Medal of Honor 
Legion ; 7 to invited guests, and 1 to an employee of this Commission. 

Certificates to the number of 858 were exchanged for tickets at 
seventy-six stations, on eight railroad lines; 83 were returned 
unused, and 45 unused certificates did not reach the office of the 
Commission. Of the railroad tickets, 4 were returned and the 
redemption value taken from the bill of the railroad companies. 
The average cost per capita was $8.39. 

From a personal application by the Chairman, while at Wash- 

12 



Henrp Marner Slocum 

ington, to Lieutenant- General Miles, U. S. A., this communication 

followed : 

Headquarters of the Army : 

Adjutant-General's Office, i 

Washington, April 17, 1902. ) 
The Commanding General, 

Department of the East, 

Governor's Island, N. Y. : 

Sir. — Major-General D. E. Sickles, representing the Committee having 
in charge the dedication of a monument to General Slocum, at Gettysburg, 
Pennsylvania, September 19 and 20, 1902, has requested that two troops of 
cavalry and band, and one field battery of artillery be sent to Gettysburg to 
take part in the ceremonies, and this request has been approved by the Secre- 
tary of War. 

The Lieutenant-General Commanding the Army, therefore, directs that 
the troops in question be taken from Fort Myer, and that the journey be 
performed by practice march. 

Very respectfully, 
(Signed) GEO. ANDREWS, 

Assistant Adjutant-General. 

The War Department was reminded of this request by the 
following communication : 

23 Fifth Avenue, / 

New York, June 25, 1902. ) 
Lieut. General Nelson A. Miles, U. S. A., 

Commanding U. S. Army, War Department, 

Washington, D. C. : 

Dear General Miles. — Allow me to remind you of my request, made 
on behalf of this Board of Commissioners sometime ago, that you would send 
a battery of light artillery and a squadron or two of cavalry to the Battle- 
field of Gettysburg, for salutes and escort duty, on the nineteenth and twentieth 
of September next, on the occasion of the dedication of an equestrian statue 
of the late Major-General Henry Warner Slocum, commanding the right wing 
of our army in that engagement. This statue is erected by the State of New 
York. The ceremonies will be attended by the Governor of this State and the 
Governor of Pennsylvania. The Governors of New Jersey, Maryland and 
Delaware are likewise invited, but have not yet signified their acceptance, 
although it is unofficially intimated that Governor Murphy of New Jersey, a 
veteran soldier, like Governor Stone of Pennsylvania, will attend. The 
Seventh New York National Guard will likewise be present in full strength, as 

13 



Henn> TOlarner siocum 

the escort of the Governor of New York. One thousand veteran soldier^ 

representing the New York Regiments in the Twelfth and Twentieth Army 

Corps commanded by General Siocum, are invited as guests of the State, 

together with the family of General Siocum. 

The occasion is one of such interest that I venture to ask your own pre ■— 

ence on the occasion as the head of the army and as a distinguished veteran of 

the Civil War, 

Very sincerely your comrade and friend, 

(Signed) D. E. SICKLES, 

Chairman. 

On the same day, another letter was addressed to General Miles, 
embodying a request for tents for those veterans desiring quarters 
under canvas. A copy of this letter follows : 

23 Fifth Avenue, ) 

New Yoek, June 26, 1902. » 
General Nelson A. Miles, U. S. A., 

Commanding U. S. Army, 

War Department, Washington, D. C. : 

Dear General. — In my recent letter to you I overlooked a request I intended 
to make informally, and on an intimation from you that my request might be 
favorably considered, I will make it official and formal. As I told you, we 
expect about a thousand of Slocum's New York Veterans, serving in the Twelfth 
and Twentieth and Sixth Corps, to come to the Field on the occasion of the 
dedication of the monument. It would be very convenient for us, and I am sure 
most agreeable to the men, if we could provide quarters for them on the Field, 
in the neighborhood of Culp's Hill, during their visit of three or four days, and 
to that end, I would like very much to have, say a hundred tents, 12 by 14 or 
thereabouts, if convenient, if the Government would loan them to me on my 
responsibility. It would be well, I think, to have an officer of the Quartermaster's 
Department detailed in charge of them. They could be pitched and struck by 
the men of the artillery or cavalry, whom I hope you will send to us. 

In July, '93, the War Department loaned me 700 tents for a like purpose 
on the occasion of the dedication of the New York monuments, when we had 
9, 000 veterans present. We had also details of artillery, cavalry and infantry 
sent at my request, by your predecessor, Lieut. General Schofield. 

Very sincerely yours, 
(Signed) D. E. SICKLES. 

14 



Henrs Marner Slocum 

To the foregoing two letters the following reply was received 
from General Miles: 

Headquarters of the Army, ) 

Washington, June 27, 1902. ) 
My Dear General Sickles. — Replying to your letter of the twenty-fifth 
instant, with reference to two troops of cavalry and a light battery to be present 
at Gettysburg on the nineteenth and twentieth of September for salute and 
escort duty on the occasion of the dedication of the equestrian statue of the late 
Major-General Henry Warner Slocum, and also your letter of the twenty-sixth 
instant, with reference to tents for veterans, I have to state in reply to the first 
that on the seventeenth of April the Commanding General Department of the 
East was instructed to send the troops as requested by you, and a copy of these 
instructions is inclosed herewith. Your letter in regard to tents has been referred 
to the Commanding General Department of the East for consideration and 
remark, and upon its return I will at once take the necessary action to see that 
your request is complied with if possible. 

Very sincerely and truly yours, 

(Signed) NELSON A. MILES, 

Lieutenant-General. 
Major-General D. E. Sickles, 

23 Fifth Avenue, 

New York City. 

Respecting the tentage above referred to the following letter 

was received: 

Headquarters of the Army, j 

Washington, July 2, 1902. \ 
General D. E. Sickles, 

23 Fifth Avenue, 

New York City : 
My Dear General. — Replying to your letter of the twenty -sixth ultimo, 
requesting that tents be furnished the Slocum veterans at Gettysburg, on the 
occasion of the dedication of a monument to General Slocum, I have to inform 
you that after reference of your letter to the Quartermaster-General he informs 
me that ' ' the tentage referred to by General Sickles as having been loaned to 
him in 1893, was what was known as Flood Sufferers'' tents — tentage which 
had been used on previous occasions, etc. The supply of this class of tentage 
has become exhausted. The tents now on hand are new and serviceable and 
having been procured for issue to the Arm}' there is no authority of law or 
regulations under which the request can be granted. ' * 

15 



ttenq? maarner ©locum 

Regretting that under these conditions I am unable to further your wishes 

in the matter, 

Very sincerely and truly yours, 

(Signed) NELSON A. MILES, 

Lieutenant-General. 

It appearing from the above-quoted letter that the Quarter- 
master-General had no authority to loan any tents now on hand, the 
Chairman made application for the desired tentage to the Secretary 
of War, in the following communication : 



23 Fifth Avenue, 
New Yoek, July 3, 1902. 



Hon. Elihu Root, 

Secretary of War, 

War Department, Washington, D. C. : 

My Dear Secretary Root. — In reply to a recent application for the 
loan of 100 tents, to be used three or four days at Gettysburg, in September 
next, by the veterans of the Twelfth and Twentieth Army Corps, on the occa- 
sion of the dedication of an equestrian statue, erected by the State of New 
York to Major-General Slocum, Quartermaster-General Ludington replies that 
the tents loaned to me in '93, on a similar occasion, are no longer available 
and that he has no authority to loan any tents now on hand. Under these 
circumstances I am constrained to apply to you, asking that in the exercise of 
your supreme discretion, you will have the goodness to shelter 1,000 or more 
old veterans of Slocum's commands, whom I have invited to represent his New 
York regiments and batteries, when his statue is unveiled. 

Ry the way, you will receive a formal invitation before long to be present 
on this interesting occasion, which I hope you will find yourself able to accept. 
Governor Odell and Governor Stone of Pennsylvania and a few other Governors, 
will attend. Governor Odell will be escorted by our Seventh Regiment. 
Altogether, we shall make a big "New York Day " of the occasion. 

I shall feel much obliged if you can let me have the tents, for headquarters 
for the old soldiers. This favor will save them money and contribute to the 
picturesque feature of the scenes around Culp's Hill, where a battery of regular 
artillery and some regular cavalry will be encamped, besides the Seventh National 
Guard. We shall have some capital music and the speeches full of ' ' fireworks. 

Very sincerely yours, 

(Signed) D. E. SICKLES, 

Chairman. 



16 



War Department, 
Washington, July 8, 1902. 



IHenn? Marner Slocum 

The following reply was received : 

\ 

My Dear General Sickles. — I beg to acknowledge the receipt of your favor 
of the third instant in the matter of loan of tents for the accommodations of 
veterans of the Twelfth and Twentieth Army Corps upon the occasion of the 
dedication of the Slocum statue at Gettysburg in September next. 

I am strongly moved to comply with your request, but feel that the Quar- 
termaster-General has not overstated the difficulties which stand in the way 
of its approval. A resolution authorizing such loans, which would have 
exactly covered your case, failed to receive legislative sanction at the session 
of Congress which has just closed. 

The practice of loaning tents to veteran organizations of the Civil War, 
under specific resolutions of Congress authorizing the same, practically came to 
an end at the outbreak of the war with Spain and has not since been revived. 
This has been due, in great part, to the fact that the veterans of the Civil War 
have reached an age at which the practice of camping out is attended with such 
serious danger to health as to cause a very considerable diminution in the number 
of applications to Congress for tentage for reunion purposes. 

The mere furnishing of tents, were it possible to do so under the law, with- 
out floors, bed sacks, bedding or other necessary sleeping accommodations, which 
it is quite out of the power of the Department to supply in any event, would 
not meet the need which is so strongly set forth in your appeal in behalf of the 
Slocum veterans. 

Nothing would give me greater pleasure than to be present upon the occasion 
of the unveiling of the Slocum monument and to pay the tribute of my personal 
attendance to the memory of the distinguished soldier whose services are to be 
commemorated upon that important occasion ; and I remain, 

Very truly yours, 

(Signed) ELIHU ROOT. 
General Daniel E. Sickles, 

Chairman, New York Monuments Commission, 

for the Battlefields of Gettysburg and Chattanooga, 

23 Fifth Avenue, New York, N. Y. 

The receipt of the above-quoted letter was acknowledged by- 
General Sickles, and a further appeal made to the Secretary of War 
on behalf of the Slocum veterans, by the Chairman, in the com- 
munication which follows . 

2 17 



Wcnrp Earner Slocum 



23 Fifth Avenue, 
New York, July 9, 1902. 



Hon. Elihu Root, 

Secret 'ary of War, 

Washington, D. C. : 

My Dear Mr. Root. — Appreciating your kind reply to my recent letter 
about tents to be occupied by our veterans at Gettysburg, next September, allow 
me to say that it seems to me the difficulties in the waj' of acceding to my 
request are somewhat overestimated by yourself and the Quartermaster-General. 
Although these tents are not to be used precisely in the military service, for 
which they have been acquired, the occasion will be one that is wholly military ; 
the men who will use them, although not in the army to-day, were soldiers for 
four years and fought on the very field where the tents are now to be once more 
pitched. The occasion is one to do honor to a distinguished commander on the 
same battlefield. The old veterans will have for their neighbors, on the tented 
field, the regiment of our National Guard which contributed over 300 of its 
members to hold commissions in the great army of 'Gl-^S. The monument to 
be dedicated is erected by the State of New York ; the ceremonies are arranged 
by that great commonwealth. The Governors of New York, Pennsylvania and 
New Jersey will be present. We trust that the Secretary of War will likewise 
honor the occasion. In a word, the day will be historical — military — national. 
It is as if we were paying the last tribute in memory of one of the most distin- 
guished officers in our military service, in which a thousand of his men, repre- 
senting all the regiments and batteries of his commands, will participate. 

I do not believe that you will strain your authority a hair's breadth in allow- 
ing the use of a hundred of your tents for such an occasion. I will be personally 
responsible for their safe keeping and return. An officer of the quartermaster's 
department could be detailed to look after them. Detachments of artillery and 
cavalry of the army, I am assured by General Miles, will be present, for salutes 
and escort duty. Details from these commands might pitch and strike the tents. 
I will provide straw and other conveniences for Slocum veterans. Of course, we 
will not allow the infirm to occupy them. Each of the regiments to be repre- 
sented has been requested to designate fifty of their most efficient survivors as 
delegates. 

If the weather should prove inclement, I shall quarter the men in houses, in 
the town, and not use the tents at all ; but if, as we may reasonably anticipate, 
the season is propitious, the occupation of the tents by the old veterans, sur- 
rounded as they will be by a large encampment of soldiers from New York, Penn- 
sylvania and New Jersey, will contribute much to the picturesque impressiveness 
of the scene. 

Let me ask you then, my dear Mr. Root, to review your impressions of the 
other day, in the light of the suggestions I am now making, and I trust that 

18 



Menn? ^Warner Slocum 

when you shall have done so, you may incline to accede to my wishes. Pardon 

my tenacity in pressing this request upon your consideration. "Hear me for 

my cause.' 11 

Very sincerely yours, 

(Signed) D. E. SICKLES. 

This communication resulted in the issuance of an order for the 
desired tentage, as set forth in the following copy : 

War Department, > 

Washington, July 21, 1902. \ 

My Dear General Sickles. — I have endorsed upon your letter of July ninth 
the following directions to the Adjutant-General: 

"Order a troop of Cavalry from Fort Myer to make a practice march to 
Gettysburg, and to be present at the ceremony referred to in the within letter, 
and to perform escort duty on that occasion. 

"Direct the Quartermaster-General to furnish and transport, and the com- 
mand to take, 100 additional Sibley wall tents or hospital tents, and to permit 
the use of them to the veterans referred to by General Sickles, during their 
stay there.'" 

I am sorry to say that I shall probably be unable to attend myself, as I am 
sailing for Europe on Thursday, and do not expect to be back in time. 

Always faithfully yours, 



(Signed) ELIHU ROOT. 



General Daniel E. Sickles, 

23 Fifth Avenue, 

New York, N. Y. 



The Acting Secretary of War, Hon. W. C. Sanger, in a com- 
munication addressed to Colonel Nicholson, dated August 5, 1902, 
granted permission for the Seventh Regiment to encamp on East 
Cemetery Hill at the time of the dedication of the Slocum Monu- 
ment, subject to the condition that General Sickles and Colonel 
Appleton would furnish a certificate of guarantee that all damages 
which may be done by any members of the regiment will be made 
good and that at the conclusion of the encampment the grounds 
will be restored to their former condition. 

The camp of the detachment of regular troops was located on 
what is known as " Geary Field," a short distance in the open from 
Spangler's Spring. The tents of the veterans were put up adjacent 
to the Slocum Monument. 

19 



iHcnrp Utilarncr Slocum 

By special order No. 180, Headquarters, Department of the 
East, Governor's Island, New York city, August 18, l'.)0'2, the 
commanding officer at Fort Myer, Ya. , directed the band and two 
troops of the Second Cavalry and the Fourth Field Battery to 
march to Gettysburg to participate in the ceremonies incident to 
the dedication of the monument and to perform escort duty on this 
occasion. 

Col. Lewis II. Stegman was appointed grand marshal of the 
ceremonies. General Orders Nos. 1 and 2 of the grand marshal are 
appended hereto. 

The transportation and subsistence of his Excellency, the Gov- 
ernor, and Staff, and the family of General Slocum, the Board of 
Commissioners and invited guests were provided for on the " Head- 
quarters' Train." It departed from the Pennsylvania Depot, 
Jersey City, September eighteenth, and left Gettysburg Saturday, 
September twentieth. 

The family of General Slocum was represented by Mr. and Mrs. 
Henry W. Slocum, Miss Gertrude Slocum, Miss Natalie Slocum, 
Mrs. Henry P. Kingsbury, Miss Clara Kingsbury, Miss Elizabeth 
Kingsbury, Master Slocum Kingsbury, Mr. and Mrs. Clarence R. 
Slocum, Mr. and Mrs. George E. Slocum, Mr. and Mrs. George 
F. Slocum, Master Raymond Slocum, Major Peter Leary and Mrs. 
Henry Edsall. 

There was also present his Excellency, the Governor of Pennsyl- 
vania and party, with members of his Staff, and the Governor of 
New Jersey and party. 

All the Commissioners were present except Colonel Beckwith. 
Invited guests with the Commissioners' party were Senators George 
R. Mai by and Jotham P. Allds, Generals James C. Rogers, Roy 
Stone and Orland Smith, Col. Archie E. Baxter, and Judge Edward 
Bartlett. His honor Mayor Low of New York accompanied the 
party on the trip going. 

20 



General Orders ) 



Menn? Earner Slocum 

Gettysburg, Pa., September 15, 1902. \ 



Headquarters, Grand Marshal, 
No. 1. 



Having been appointed by the New York Battlefields Commission for 
Gettysburg and Chattanooga, Grand Marshal of the parade at Gettysburg, on 
the occasion of dedication of the equestrian statu" of Major-General Henry War- 
ner Slocum, on Culp's Hill, September 19, 1902, I hereby assume command. 
The following staff appointments are announced • 

Brig. Gen. Horatio C. King, Army of Potomac, Chief of Staff. 
Col. Francis M. Crafts, Twelfth Corps, Adjutant-General. 
Col. E. B. Cope, Chief Engineer and Chief of Aids, Army of 
Potomac. 
They will be obeyed and respected accordingly. The full staff will be 
promulgated in future orders. The hour for "Assembly " for the parade will 
be one-fifteen p. m. 

The following will be the order of formation for the parade : 
Detail from Second United States Cavalry. 

Corporal Skelly Post, G. A. R. , of Gettysburg, Guard of Honor. 
Gettysburg Guard. 
Grand Marshal and Staff. 

Escort to Veterans. 
Band of Second United States Cavalry. 
Two troops of Second United States Cavalry. 
Fourth Battery, United States Field Artillery. 
Society of Army of Potomac, as Guard of Honor to Veterans of 

Slocum Corps. 
Twenty-seventh New York Volunteers, — Gen. Slocum's own regiment. 

Twelfth and Twentieth Corps. 
First Division. Indicated by "Red Star 11 on white field. 

First Brigade: Twenty-eighth, One Hundred and Twenty-third, One 

Hundred and Forty-first, One Hundred and Forty-fifth New York 

Volunteers. 
Second Brigade : One Hundred and Seventh, One Hundred and Fiftieth 

New York Volunteers. 
Third Brigade : Forty-fifth, One Hundred and Forty-third New York 

Volunteers. 

Battery "I, 11 First New York Light Artillery. 

Battery "M," First New York Light Artillery. 

Battery ' K," First New York Light Artillery. 

i\ 



Mcnrp Wlarner Slocum 

Second Division. Indicated by "White Star" on blue field. 

Second Brigade: One Hundred and Nineteenth, One Hundred and 
Thirty-fourth, One Hundred and Fifty-fourth New York Volunteers. 
Third Brigade: Sixtieth, Seventy-eighth, One Hundred and Second, 
One Hundred and Thirty-seventh, One Hundred and Forty-ninth New 
York Volunteers. 
Fourteenth New York National Guard. 
Thirteenth New York Independent Battery. 
Third Division. Indicated by "Blue Star" on white field. 

Third Brigade: One Hundred and Thirty-sixth New York Volunteers. 
Fourth Division. Indicated by "Orange Star" on white field. 
Fifty-eighth, Sixty-eighth New York Volunteers. 
Grand Army of the Republic. 
Civic Organizations. 
Fifth Division. New York Board of Commissioners, Major-General Daniel 
E. Sickles, United States Army, Chairman. 
Slocum Family. 
Orators of the Day. 
Seventh Regiment, N. G., S. N. Y., escorting his Excellency, the 

Governor of New York. 
Governor of New York and Staff. 
Governor of Pennsylvania and Staff. 
Governor of New Jersey and Staff. 
Gettsyburg National Park Commission. 
Advisory Committee of Gettysburg. 
Invited Guests. 
Retired Officers. 
Crippled Veterans in Carriages. 
On arrival at Culp's Hill, the Escort Division will move, in quick time, 
beyond the stand and mass to the east thereof. The Veterans of the Twelfth 
and Twentieth Corps will mass in front of the stand, or to its north side. The 
Society of the Army of the Potomac, G. A. R., and Civic Organizations will 
mass to the west of the stand. The Second United States Cavalry Band and 
the Seventh Regiment N. Y. N. G. Band will furnish the music at the dedica- 
tory services. 

Salutes will be fired by the United States Artillery. 

First. Salutes for each of the Governors of States on their arrival at 

Gettysburg. 
Second. Major-General's Salute for General Slocum when Statue is 
unveiled. 

Third. National Salute after Benediction. 
22 



Menn? Warner Slocum 

The Board of Monuments Commissioners, the Governors of New York. 
Pennsylvania and New Jersey, and their respective Staffs, and other invited 
guests, will occupy the Grand Stand. 

LEWIS R. STEGMAN, 
Official Grand Marshal. 

Francis M. Crafts, 

A djutant- General. 



Headquarters, Grand Marshal, 

Gettysburg, Pa., September 16, 1902. 



I 

General Order \ 
No. 2. ) 

1 The following officers have been appointed on the staff of the Grand 
Marshal, in addition to those already announced : 

Col. Henry C. Burhans, Twelfth Corps. 

Col. Edward Barr, Army of Potomac. 

Col. Edward J. Maxwell, Army of Potomac. 

Major Charles H. Burbeck, M. D., Twelfth Corps. 

Major C. E. Goldsborough, M. D., Army of Potomac. 

Major William N. Johnston, Twelfth Corps. 

Major D. M. Robertson, Twelfth Corps. 

Major Marshal J. Corbett, Twelfth Corps. 

Capt. William T. Ziegler, Army of Potomac. 

Capt. George K. Collins, Twelfth Corps. 

Capt. Calvin Gilbert, Army of Potomac. 

Capt. James Hearst, Army of Potomac. 

Lieut. Shannon W. Lassell, Twelfth Corps. 

Rev. Dr. Wm. R. Jenvey, Army of Potomac. 

Dr. Henry Stewart, Sons of Veterans. 

Charles Cobeans, Sons of Veterans. 

2 Brig. Gen. John A. Reynolds, Twelfth Corps, is appointed Marshal 
of the Escort Division. Col. Allan H. Jackson, U. S. A. (retired), Twentieth 
Corps, is appointed Marshal of the Division of the Twelfth and Twentieth 
Corps Veterans. Col. Nicholas Grumbach, Twelfth Corps, is appointed Marshal 
of Second Division, Twelfth and Twentieth Corps. They will be obeyed and 
respected accordingly. 

3 The headquarters of the Grand Marshal will be on Chambersburg street, 
opposite the Eagle Hotel. 

4 The right of the Escort Division, cavalry and artillery, will rest on the 
public square at Gettysburg, extending westward on Chambersburg street. 
The right of the Seventh Regiment, N. G., N. Y., will rest on the public 

23 



Henrp TRUarncr Slocum 

stjuare, extending eastward toward Stratton street. The right of the Society 
of the Army of the Potomac and the Veterans of the Twelfth and Twentieth 
Corps will rest on Washington street, at its intersection with Chambersburg 
street, and extend southward. The right of the cavalry detail and the Guard 
of Honor to the Grand Marshal will rest on the public square, extending along 
Baltimore street northwardly. The public square will be kept entirely free. 
Details to guard the grand stand and public square will be made from the mili- 
tary forces present. 

5 The order of parade, by divisions, will be as prescribed in General 
Order No. 1, each division moving into its proper place, at marching distance, 
as the preceding division develops its left. 

6 The line of march will be southward from the public square, through 
Baltimore street, to Culp's Hill and the Slocum Memorial. 

7 Organizations will salute as they pass the grand stand. 

8 The Seventh Regiment, N. G. , N. Y. , will escort the Governor of the 
State of New York and the Society of the Army of the Potomac. 

9 After the ceremonies at the dedication are completed the organizations 
will return to their respective headquarters, except the Seventh Regiment, N. 
G. , N. Y. , which will escort the Governor of New York and the Society of the 
Army of the Potomac, on their return to Gettysburg. 

10 The Medal of Honor Veterans will form on Washington street, and 
take their position in the marching column immediately in rear of the Society 
of the Army of the Potomac. 

LEWIS R. STEGMAN, 

Grand Marshal. 
Official : Francis M. Crafts, 

Colonel and Adjutant-General. 

2* 




h 

UJ 

_i 
CO 

< 

I- 

N 

z 
o 
cc 
m 



program of Exercises at tbe ©eofcation of tbe ©locum 
flDonument, 6ett\>sburg, September 19, 1903 



Music — Seventh N. Y. Regiment Band. 

Prayer — Rev. W. T. Pray, D. D. 

Address by Gen. Daniel E. Sickles, U. S. A., Chairman. 

Music — Second U. S. Cavalry Band. 

Unveiling of Monument by Governor B. B. Odell, Jr. 

Major-General's Salute, Fourth U. S. Battery. 

Address by Governor Benj. B. Odell, Jr. 

Address by Gov. William E. Stone. 

Music — Second U. S. Cavalry Band. 

Address by Gov. Franklin Murphy. 

Oration by Gen. James C. Rogers. 

Music — Seventh N. Y. Regiment Band. 

Oration by Col. Archie E. Baxter. 

Music — Seventh N. Y. Regiment Band. 

Benediction — -Rev. Jos. Twitchell, D. D. 

Salute — Fourth U. S. Battery. 

is 



Ipraper b£ "Rev. Wl. G. Prap» 

SEVENTY-EIGHTH AND ONE HUNDRED AND SECOND N. V. V. 



Our Father who art in Heaven ! Almighty and everlasting God : 
The God of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, who has given us grace at 
this time and with one accord to make our common supplication 
unto Thee, hear us now as we give thanks for the protection and 
guidance which Thou hast thus far vouchsafed us. 

We praise Thee that, while we are assembled to give tangible, 
substantial and permanent expression of our love and veneration for 
the memory of our departed commander, we are assured of the 
Divine presence and blessing, in order that we may be guided in the 
exercises of the hour and thus glorify Thee and enjoy a comrade- 
ship with one another that shall be sacred and enduring. 

We thank Thee that so many of us are permitted to engage in 
the services which we here render, bringing vividly to our thoughts 
a history that is full of important interest and a personage great in 
valor and patriotism. We praise Thee for the soldierly bearing, 
the loyal purpose and the unreserved consecration to the country's 
welfare and its flag, which characterized the hero whose name is 
upon every tongue as we here hold communion as comrades of the 
past, yet of the present, and we hope and pray of the eternal future. 

We thank Thee for the high type of life revealed to the Ameri- 
can people by him as a soldier and a citizen. May it inspire us all 
to a higher standard of citizenship. We are grateful, O God, for 
the privilege of recording our remembrance of his manly character, 
his acts, his greatness, his modest simplicity, his calmness, his capa- 
bility, his leadership, his conquests. 

We thank thee that we hold in remembrance the priceless gift 
in his example of a useful and pure life in the home circle, his fidelity 
to public trusts and the lofty ideals he cherished in his dealings with 
his fellowmen. 

We implore Thy blessing upon the kindred of the valiant leader 
who are honored by his name and the tender association of family 

96 



Menr^ IClarner Slocum 

ties. Hear us for the fellow officers who are with us and who fought 
by his side or counseled with him in the midst of the battle ; and for 
those of us who were obedient to his wise orders. 

Oh Lord, while we praise Thee for the memory of those who 
have gone from our ranks to join the eternal hosts, we would ask 
Thee to bless the veterans of all our wars who bear the marks of 
life's march and way, and perhaps the scars and enfeeblement 
incurred in their country's defense; and in the care for such may it 
never be said that " Republics are ungrateful. " 

We pray Thee to continue Thy blessing upon our fair country. 
We praise Thee for Thy goodness to the nation — for the fraternal 
spirit within our borders — for peace and prosperity"; for which we 
give unto Thee thanks and glory. 

Hear us for Thy blessing to rest upon the Chief Magistrate of 
our Nation. Grant unto him courage, patience and wisdom ; and in 
Thy name may he advise the people, and execute the affairs of the 
great Republic. Bless the commonwealths that have made this 
occasion possible, and may their governors and all in authority and 
all our population be crowned with Thy benediction. Let Thy 
blessing be with those who are in charge of the exercises of this 
important event and upon all who contribute in any way to make 
this day memorable in our country's history; and thus may the 
pleasure of the Heavenly Father rest upon us, and the brotherhood 
and comradeship of men become stronger and more hallowed than 
ever. 

Fulfill, O Lord, the desires and petitions we bring to Thee, as 
may be most expedient for us ; granting us in this world knowledge 
of Thy truth and in the world to come life everlasting — All of 
which we ask in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the 
Holy Ghost. Amen. 

87 



Mcnrp Earner Slocum 

The following letter from Lieut. Gen. James Longstreet, 
C. S. A., who was unable to be present as expected, was then read 
by Gen. Horatio C. King: 

Department ok the Intkkior, 

Office of the Commissioner of Railroads, j 

Washington, September 19, 1902. ' 
General D. E. Sickles, Chairman, 

Gettysburg, Pa. : 

My Dear Sir. — My plan and desire was to meet you at Gettysburg on 
the interesting ceremony attending the unveiling of the Slocum monument; 
but to-day I find myself in no condition to keep the promise made you when 
last we were together. I am quite disabled from a severe hurt in one of my 
feet, so that I am unable to stand more than a minute or two at a time. 
Please express my sincere regrets to the noble Army of the Potomac, and to 
accept them especially for yourself. 

On that field you made your mark that will place you prominently before 
the world as one of the leading figures of the most important battle of the 
Civil War. As a Northern veteran once remarked to me, ' ' General Sickles can 
well afford to leave a leg on that field. ' ' 

I believe that it is now conceded that the advanced position at the Peach 
Orchard, taken by your corps and under your orders, saved that battlefield to 
the Union cause. It was the sorest and saddest reflection of my life for many 
years ; but to-day I can say with sincerest emotion that it was and is the best 
that could have come to us all, North and South, and I hope that the nation, 
reunited, may always enjoy the honor and glory brought to it by that grand 
work. 

Please offer my kindest salutations to your Governor and your fellow com- 
rades of the Army of the Potomac. 

Always yours sincerely, 

JAMES LONGSTREET, 

Lt. Gen. Confederate Army. 

28 



Hfcfcrcas b£ flfeaj. (Ben. Daniel j£. Sickles, TH. S. H., 

chairman, new YORK monuments commission for the battlefield 

OF GETTYSBURG. 



Governor Odell, Comrades and Guests : 

My colleagues have requested me to preside to-day. It is my 
first duty to offer to all the guests of the State of New York who 
are with us a cordial welcome. The Governors of the States of 
Pennsylvania and New Jersey have honored this occasion by their 
presence. Governor Stone of Pennsylvania and Governor Murphy 
of New Jersey are both veterans of the Civil War, and wear on 
their breasts the emblems of their honorable service in defense of 
our flag. Conspicuous among our guests, as well for their numbers 
as for their imperishable claims upon the gratitude of the American 
people, let me welcome more than a thousand of Slocum's surviving 
soldiers of the Twelfth and Twentieth Army Corps, who have 
accepted the invitation given to them by the Legislature of New 
York. They are here to-day to dedicate this statue of their beloved 
commander, Major-General Henry Warner Slocum, erected by a 
grateful commonwealth to commemorate his heroic services on this 
battlefield. 

This battlefield has become hallowed ground for the people whose 
kindred have contended here for the life of our Nation. More than 
a million of our citizens have come to Gettysburg since July, 1863. 
The states represented in the Union Army have erected here more 
than four hundred graceful memorials to the patriotism and valor of 
their men who fought at Gettysburg. No battlefield on earth is so 
consecrated by loving tokens of remembrance. And yet we are 
told by superficial observers of character that " Americans are with- 
out sentiment." 

In the North and East and West, thousands of soldiers' monu- 
ments reveal the affection cherished by our people for their defenders. 
There are more soldiers' monuments in this country than have ever 
been erected in all the rest of the world. If we are not a martial 

29 



Henr^ TRUarner Slocum 

people, we know at least how to honor the memory of our soldiers. 
We give almost .$150,000,000 a year towards the support of the 
surviving soldiers of our wars and their families, — more than is 
given for like purposes by all the nations of Europe combined. 
Ten of our presidents have been chosen from our armies. 

New York may well be satisfied with her part in the battle of 
Gettysburg. The first shot was fired as the sun rose on the morning 
of the first day by a trooper belonging to the Ninth New York 
Cavalry, under Colonel Sackett. The name of this dragoon was 
Corporal Alphonse Hodges of Company F. In the skirmishing 
which soon followed, Silas W. James of Company G of the same 
regiment was killed. Thus it happened that the first shot at Get- 
tysburg was fired by a New York soldier, and the first man on our 
side to fall was a New York soldier, both belonging to the Ninth 
New York Cavalry. 

In the battle of the first day, a division of the First Corps, under 
Wadsworth of New York, was the earliest to reach the field. 
Cutler's Brigade, containing four New York regiments, was in 
advance, the Seventy-sixth New York in the lead, the first infantry 
that encountered the enemy. The six divisions of the Union Army 
engaged on July first, and their artillery, were all commanded by 
New Yorkers, Doubleday, Robinson and Wadsworth in the First 
Corps, under Reynolds ; Schurz, Von Steinwehr and Barlow in the 
Eleventh Corps, under Howard. 

On July second the right and left flanks of our Army were held 
by New York commanders, Slocum and Sickles. Here on Culp's 
Hill Greene's brigade of five New York regiments defended this 
important position against Johnson's division of Confederates on the 
night of July second. All honor to the gallant old general, George 
S. Greene and his brigade, the Sixtieth New York, under Col. Abel 
Godard; the Seventy-eighth New York, under Col. Hammer- 
stein; the One Hundred and Second New York, under Col. Lewis 
R. Stegman; the One Hundred and Thirty-seventh New York 
under Col. David Ireland; and the One Hundred and Forty-ninth 
New York, under Col. Henry A. Barnum. Slocum complained 
that the splendid work of this brigade on the night of July second 
had not been mentioned in the official report of the battle, and in a 
letter to General Meade he exclaimed, speaking of that eventful night : 
'The failure of the enemy to gain entire possession of our 

30 



Menn? Wlarner Slocum 

works was due entirely to the skill of General Greene and the 
heroic valor of his troops." 

Five New York brigade commanders in the Third Army Corps, 
Ward, Carr, Graham, De Trobriand and Brewster; three in the 
Second Army Corps, Zook, Willard and Kelly, Ayres, a division 
commander, and Brigadier- Generals Weed and Vincent and Colonel 
Rice, who succeeded to the command of Vincent's brigade of the 
Fifth Army Corps, all of them sons of New York, sustained the 
many fierce combats that ended in the final repulse of the enemy 
on our left flank on the evening of the second day of the battle. 
Of these leaders, Zook, Weed and Willard were killed, and Sickles 
and Graham wounded. 

Among the commands that shared the honors won on the third 
day, when Lee made his desperate and hopeless attempt to regain a 
lost battle, were the brigades of Alexander Stewart Webb of the 
Second Corps, and of Alexander Shaler of the Sixth Corps, both 
of New York; the latter included three New York regiments of 
infantry, and helped Slocum recover Culp's Hill, so nearly lost the 
night before; and when Webb's Pennsylvania brigade repulsed the 
final assault of Armistead's Virginians the enemy had fired his last 
shot. So it happened that New York commanders began and ended 
the battle of Gettysburg. 

In the Union Army on this field New York had sixty-eight 
regiments of infantry, nineteen batteries of artillery, seven regi- 
ments of cavalry and two regiments of engineers. The losses of 
the New York commands in the battle were 6,707, more than 
thirty per cent of the total losses in the Union Army. Besides 
these troops, the Governor of New York, Horatio Seymour, sent 
to Harrisburg, as soon as Lee crossed the Potomac, twenty-six 
regiments of the infantry of our National Guard, numbering 
14,000 officers and enlisted men, to assist in repelling the invasion 
of Pennsylvania. 

New York has erected on this battlefield eighty-six regimental 
and battery monuments, besides the State Memorial to our dead, 
who lie buried in yonder National Cemetery, and besides this eques- 
trian statue to General Slocum. All of these monuments have been 
placed here to commemorate the valor and patriotism of the volun- 
teers who enlisted in New York for service in the Union Army. 

New York regiments and batteries fought in every division but 

31 



Menn? Marner Slocum 

one in the Army of the Potomac, and in forty-six brigades. One- 
third or more of the corps, division and brigade commanders were 
sons of the Empire State. New York contributed to the Union 
armies from April, 1861, to April, 1805, 400,000 volunteers. 
Of this vast number 53,000 died in service. We expended 
$125,000,000 during that period in raising, organizing and equip- 
ping our forces. Of the 300 famous battalions whose losses in the 
Civil War were the largest, as shown by Fox, the historian, fifty- 
nine of these battalions were New York troops. New York regi- 
ments and batteries fought in more than a thousand battles and 
skirmishes during the Civil War. 

The Governor of New York is here to-day to unveil this monu- 
ment. He is escorted to Gettysburg by the Seventh Regiment 
of the National Guard of New York, a regiment that was fre- 
quently summoned to the field during the Civil War, and from 
whose ranks were graduated 603 officers who served in the Union 
Army and Navy. Of this number, 41 were killed in action, and 17 
died of disease during the war. The Seventh was the West Point 
of the volunteer army. 

Slocum used to say to his intimate friends, " I have in my pos- 
session a small scrap of paper three or four inches long " (which he 
described by holding up two fingers), "about that size," he said, 
"that would throw a flood of light on the battle of Gettysburg; 
but it will be time enough bye-and-bye to turn on the light," inti- 
mating that the "scrap of paper " would appear after his death. 

The day before Hooker was relieved from command it was 
arranged that Slocum should intrench his army corps, reinforced by 
10,000 men, to be withdrawn from Harpers Ferry, on General Lee's 
line of communication, a position from which Slocum could not have 
been driven. If Hooker had not been superseded Slocum would have 
been at Williamsport on the Potomac with 20,000 men intrenched, 
and Lee would never have returned to Virginia with his army. 

On the night of July 2, 1863, after a bloody battle, fought on 
the afternoon of that day on our left flank, a council of war was 
convened by the commanding general, to consider our situation and 
advise him what to do. The corps commanders present expressed 
their views in order of their rank respectively. Slocum, being the 
ranking officer in the council, was the last to reply. He said: 
"Stay and fight it out." 

That speech settled the matter. Slocum was not an orator, but 

38 



?Henn? Marner Slocum 

no orator ever made a better speech. It was brief, like Caesar's 
" Veni, vidi, vici," but it told the whole story. It was Spartan elo- 
quence, and it won the assent of the council. " Stay and fight it 
out " was the advice given by the council to General Meade, who 
was not satisfied with his position at Gettysburg. 

The Army of the Potomac did "stay and fight it out." The 
victory gained is the best comment that can be made on Slocum's 
judgment. 

"Stay and fight it out " would be a good motto for Slocum's 
descendants. " Stay and fight it out " would be a good motto for 
all our American youth. We have inscribed it there on the pedestal 
of the statue, where for centuries to come American soldiers will 
read Slocum's inspiring speech, " Stay and fight it out. " 

After the Gettysburg campaign, the Eleventh and Twelfth Army 
Corps were severed from the Army of the Potomac. They were 
sent to the mountains of Tennessee, eight hundred miles away, 
under Hooker, where they won endless fame at Lookout Mountain, 
and shared in the brilliant victory of Mission Ridge, under Grant. 
Afterwards, in 1864, under Sherman and Slocum and Howard, they 
fought their way from the heart of the continent to the sea. 

Then came the final combat between the Army of Virginia, 
under Lee, and the Army of the Potomac, under Grant, a battle ot 
giants, which Grant won and gave us peace. 

I am thankful to have been spared to come here to-day to assist 
in the dedication of this monument to my comrade and friend, the 
foremost soldier New York sent to the field during the Civil War. 
Fortunately, he was one of the few of our commanders who had 
unbounded confidence in our volunteers; therefore he never failed. 

We were associated in four campaigns of the Army of the 
Potomac. We were both successively regimental, brigade, division 
and corps commanders. 

Slocum never lost a color or a gun. Although his voice will 
never again be heard by his beloved comrades, this heroic figure will 
stand for ages to come, as a type of an American commander, 
modest, resolute, sagacious, brave. 

On this field we see a glorious group — Meade, Reynolds, Slocum, 
Hancock. The observer will note that while there are only four 
memorials erected to commanding generals at Gettysburg, there are 
four hundred monuments dedicated to the memory of the soldiers 
who fought here. 

3 33 



Mcnn> UWarner Slocum 

There are some people who think you old vets live too long, that 
you don't die off fast enough. They say you are making the Gov- 
ernment and the country poor by the pensions you get; the woods 
and the newspapers are full of such people. They say they repre- 
sent the "taxpayers." The taxpayers, you know, of course, are 
the folks that support the government and the people. They are 
the salt of the earth. They fight our battles. They put down the 
Rebellion. They saved the Union. 

They are amazed at your presumption in pretending that your 
services were of any particular value. They think that eleven 
dollars a month in greenbacks, worth fifty cents on the dollar, was 
ample pay for all you did, and that your claims on the gratitude 
of the nation are all bosh. 

Fortunately these people, although immense in their own estima- 
tion, are only heard of in the newspapers and in their own little 
corners. They have no voice in Congress, nor in our State Legisla- 
tures, nor in our municipal councils. I would like to see one of them 
set up as a candidate for president. A blind man could count his 
votes. 

My comrades, don't you mind these taxpayers. The heart 
of this nation is yours. The American people love you, as they 
honored and revered the soldiers of Washington, who gained our 
independence. As you move onwards toward your graves, your 
tottering footsteps will be tenderly watched, and with tearful eyes, 
until the last one of you hears the final call. 

And on every Memorial Day, as long as the history of your 
noble deeds is taught in the common schools of the people, the 
tombs of the heroic volunteers of 1861-1865 will be shrines for all 
patriotic Americans. You will be remembered and honored, while 
your detractors will be as utterly forgotten as the noisy frogs that 
scream in slimy pools. 

Compare this country to-day with our situation in 1863, when 
the battle of Gettysburg was fought, forty years ago. No parallel 
in history can be found for the marvelous advance we have since 
made in all the elements of power. 

To you, my brave comrades, belongs the glory of saving our 
Union of States, the foundation of all our strength, the fertile 
source of our growth and of our felicity as a nation, 
at 



Hoorese bs (Bovernor 1Bcn\, IB. ©MI, 3r., of Iftew JPork. 



Ladies and Gentlemen : 

Gettysburg will always occupy a place in history as the decisive 
battle of the Rebellion, and perhaps to a greater extent than any 
other this field will be the Mecca of those who in years to come 
desire to pay tribute to the memory of the brave men who sacri- 
ficed their lives in defense of our nation's honor. When we recall 
the Rebellion and view it from the standpoint of later history, we 
can perhaps understand and appreciate the conditions which at that 
period were wholly inexplicable and clearly misunderstood. The 
rancour and bitterness of the time led to a misconception of the 
sincerity and the honesty of purpose of those separated in our 
nation of commonwealths by an imaginary line, one side standing 
in name only for the rights of human beings, as enunciated and 
guaranteed in the Declaration of Independence, while the other 
stood for freedom of thought and individual liberty in its highest 
sense. The man who, satisfied in his own mind of the righteous- 
ness of his cause, sacrifices his sentiments to the policy of the State 
which burdens or oppresses the weak is devoid of those attributes 
which God has given him, and loses his independence. Convic- 
tions founded upon false premises may be excused, and teachings 
may lead us to believe that that which has been established through 
years of civilization is right. Yet, underlying all, is the knowledge 
in man's own mind which must determine for him and decide his 
action. Nations cannot exist, republics would crumble, were there 
a purpose to oppress the individual or a desire to give to that which 
may exist as a wrong the appearance of right. Every contest that 
has been waged, every battle that has been fought in the world's 
history, has had as its origin the purpose of the human being to 
protect himself against invasion of his liberty. While the helpless 
have always been obliged to depend upon the strong, men in the 
full vigor of their strength and manhood, to redress their wrongs, 
yet there has always been this underlying principle of equality, of 
right and of justice, which has determined action and which has 

35 



Mcnn? UXflarncr ©locum 

been one of the factors through which civilization has come and 
humanity has been uplifted. Whatever may have been the incen- 
tive which led those of the South to assail the flag and to attempt 
the dismemberment of" a country which stood before the world as a 
refuse for those of all nations who believed in individual rights and 
the liberties of mankind; whatever may have been the reason that 
led to that great struggle; whatever it was that brought about the 
sacrifice of life and property, we of the present generation can look 
upon the conflict with lessened regret, because one of the results of 
the war has been a country greater, more powerful and more potent 
for good. 

In these days, therefore, when the glory of the Revolution is 
supplemented by the achievements of arms in later struggles, and 
when we have united in bonds of sympathy and patriotism, we may 
well consider the heroism and bravery of the men who fought on 
both sides in the great Civil War. The victory for the Union has 
brought about a community of interests, has brought about a 
brotherhood in our country that is beginning to forget as it clasps 
hands over the border which heretofore separated us — that forgets 
those issues which made the horrors of civil war possible, while we 
stand as brothers beneath the flag of a greater nation, revering the 
memory and extolling the deeds of brave men of a common 
ancestry. 

What might have happened, however, if the tide of battle upon 
this field had turned against the North cannot be conceived, but I 
am satisfied that while the movement to extend slavery might have 
secured temporary advantages, yet it never could have eventually 
succeeded; because, with the progress of civilization, those who 
were devoted to the advancement of this peculiar idea would inevi- 
tably have abandoned it, if not through the shock of arms, through 
the religious convictions and training of our people. While per- 
haps this stain upon our Nation's honor might have been effaced in 
later years through these influences, yet an all wise Providence had 
decreed that our country should pass through a period of war, and 
that in the great struggle between the men upon both sides of this 
great question the strength of our Nation, whose ultimate object 
was liberty of man, should be disclosed and shown to the world. 

So battles were fought, and from this baptism of blood the 
Nation became stronger, through this bitter experience which filled 

36 



Henn? Marner ©locum 

our homes with mourning and which threw a pall over our country 
which made the hearts of men heavy, the Nation emerged, and 
stands to-day, not as a power to coerce, but as one that is potent 
for good in the civilization of the world. We can, therefore, meet 
at this time upon this battlefield and accord to those who partici- 
pated in its strife the praise that their heroism merits, and recount 
the deeds of glory without opening old wounds incident to the 
struggle of death, which made the whole land so desolate. 

New York has a pride in this field, because here, perhaps to a 
greater extent than in any other battle, she showed her devotion by 
furnishing a greater number of men. In the patriotic general, 
whose monument we dedicate to-day, was found one of those sturdy 
men who knew not only duty but who gave to its performance an 
intelligence which insured to him the respect and confidence of his 
associates and those whom he led. He and the brave men of New 
York and other States of the Union need no monument to perpetuate 
their glory. Monuments may be erected as the Nation's tribute, 
but our country and this battlefield stand as the monument of their 
devotion, their patriotism and their heroism. But it is fitting for 
us at times to visit these scenes, to come with those who took part 
in the great struggle and to show by our presence that time has not 
tempered our love, but that it is as strong as ever for those brave 
boys in blue; and while we drop the sympathetic tear upon the 
graves of the men from the North, let us also express our sympathy 
for those who fell upon the side of the South. There are no longer 
dividing lines in our patriotism. There is no blot upon our national 
escutcheon to cause the blush of shame to mantle the cheek of the 
sturdy men of the North, of the chivalry of the South, while the 
men of the West extend the hand of fellowship, all faithful citizens 
of a reunited country with nothing but respect for an adversary 
whose blood courses through their own veins. It is upon this spot 
that the immortal Lincoln gave voice to those words which will 
stand forever in our classics as the patriotic utterances of one who 
was not privileged to witness the results of the four years of suffer- 
ing, of anguish and of devotion to the cause that he had espoused, 
which gives us to-day the opportunity to repeat his words that our 
government still stands "a government of the people, for the people 
and by the people,"' and that it "shall not perish from the earth." 

37 



Hooress bp. (Sovernor Mm. a. Stone, of Pennsylvania. 



Mr. Chairman : 

Pennsylvania is proud of the fact that the most decisive battle 
of the war was fought on her soil, and while the soil is the soil of 
Pennsylvania it is consecrated by the blood of the bravest men in 
all the states and territories. This battlefield belongs to the whole 
Nation, because here it is where the whole Nation was saved from 
dissolution. 

Whether it is among nations or among individuals, some decisive 
moment comes in the lives of each. The decisive moment for our 
Nation was here at Gettysburg, in 1863, and the Nation was saved. 

We feel honored to see the different states come here and erect 
monuments to the bravery of their distinguished sons. We are 
proud of the brilliant record of General Slocum, and we are proud 
of and we love the brilliant record of General Sickles ; and we will 
never forget that the battlefield of Gettysburg is in our possession, 
simply as trustees for every liberty-loving man and woman in the 
whole country. 

I was especially interested in the remarks of General Sickles 
relating to the services of the ' ' old vets. *' It is true we are pay- 
ing them $150,000,000 a year but there is one thing we never yet 
have paid them. We have redeemed our contracts and paid our 
obligations in gold ; and the time will come — and that soon — 
when the old soldiers will be paid in gold the difference between 
what they received and what they should have received. If it is 
good politics and good statesmanship to redeem an army contract 
by making the money a gold value, it is good politics and good 
statesmanship to pay the difference between five and a half dollars a 
month and thirteen. While you are left and before we die let us 
do the square thing. 

I was not at the battle of Gettysburg, and when I come to hear 
of the many that stayed on the battlefield of Gettysburg I am glad 
that I was not here. 

38 



aooreea bv Governor jfrankUn flDurpb^, of 1Rew 3erse£. 



Mr. Chair ■man, etc., etc.: 

It would not be kind if I were to detain you with more than a 
word. There are two or three things, to be said in not more than 
two or three minutes, which 1 would like to say. 

First and over all, I feel it a very great privilege and honor to be 
with you, to join with the representatives of the great State of New 
York in doing merited honor to my old Commander. 

If you will look at his face — and I never saw a more speaking 
face in bronze than that face yonder — you will understand how it 
was that General Slocum easily won and always held the confidence 
and affection of his soldiers. They never doubted him, and when 
we saw him we had the confidence in him. A face like that inspires 
the world over. I repeat that I am glad to be here with you, to 
join with the citizens of New York in doing honor to that great man. 

I have another thing to say, and that is, touching the reference 
of my colleague, Governor Stone, to the payment to the veterans of 
the difference between what they should have received were they 
paid in gold and what they did receive. The Government may 
make good in time to come the difference between currency and 
gold in the times of the war ; but if it should pay us all the money 
the Government has it would not be worth as much to us as the 
memory that you and I fought on this field ! There is something 
worth more than money to the soldier that fought at Gettysburg. 
(Applause.) 

I will say just one thing more. I went over this field to-day; it 
was my first visit in thirty-eight years. I cannot tell you how it 
impressed me. Our regiment fought away over yonder, on the 
extreme right, and we started this morning and went over the field 
to the left and saw this magnificent monument. As I rode over the 
field and the inspiration of that heroic day came to me, it seemed 
that I should go away from here — as I believe you will go away — 
a better citizen, not alone from the beauty of the day and its great 
attractions, but because of the patriotic inspiration which on this 
day inspires us. . 

39 



©ration t>£ (Ben. 3ames C. IRogers, Swelftb Hrms Corps'. 



Mr. Chairman, Comrades of the Old Twelfth Corps and of the Army 
of the Potomac : 

It is with extreme embarrassment that I arise before this great 
gathering of fair women and brave men to take the part assigned 
me in these exercises, especially so after listening to the brilliant 
addresses of our chairman and the other distinguished orators who 
have preceded me. For the audiences I have been accustomed to 
talk to have not, as a rule, contained soldiers of national reputation, 
governors of great states, mayors of great cities, and judges of our 
highest courts, like those who surround me here to-day. But. 
while there is embarrassment to an unskilled speaker like myself in 
such an audience, and with such surroundings on this famous bat- 
tlefield, there is inspiration in it too — enough almost to make the 
mute speak and the tongue-tied eloquent. And I would that it 
might touch my lips right here and now, so that I might say some- 
thing worthy of you, my comrades, and worthy of the great soldier 
we are here to-day to honor. 

But then I remember that I was doubtless invited to make this 
address not because of any special gift of oratory, but because it 
was my good fortune to have been associated with General Slocum 
during a large part of his brilliant military career, and because I 
knew him and loved him with the enthusiastic ardor that the young 
soldier feels for the chief in whom he trusts and believes. And 
General Slocum had that in him, both as officer and as man, to 
inspire confidence, admiration and love. 

During the four years of that tremendous contest which Ave call 
the Civil War it was my lot to be connected, in an humble way. 
with both the Eastern and AVestern armies, and to come in con- 
tact, more or less closely, with some of the most notable generals 
of those times. The first year and a half I served in the brigade of 
the distinguished soldier whose name is inseparably connected with 
this battlefield, and whose statue dominates the hill to our left, as 

40 



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Menr^ TOrrter Slocum 

in his life his spirit dominated every battlefield where he was pres- 
ent—General Winfield Scott Hancock. And in the west, in the 
Atlanta campaign, after the consolidation of the Eleventh and 
Twelfth Corps under his immediate command, I served under and 
saw much of that other brilliant soldier and ex-army commander, 
General Joseph Hooker, who, if he did not win at Chancellorsville, 
and was not permitted to command upon this field, yet, in his 
" Battle above the Clouds " and at Peach Tree Creek proved that 
he was of the stuff of which fighting generals are made. There 
were others, also, almost as distinguished, whom I had the good 
fortune to meet and know and form an opinion of. 

And now, after all this time has passed, with the impressions of 
those early days strengthened by the judgment of maturer years, I 
can truthfully say that in the combination of high soldierly quali- 
ties with the purest patriotism, in decision of character and the 
power of quick adaptation of means to the end to be accomplished, 
in coolness and courage, Henry W. Slocum was the peer of them 
all. He had not, perhaps, the magnificent personal appearance of 
Hancock, " the superb " — few had. He lacked, perhaps, the glit- 
ter and dash of some others I might name. He could not sit a 
horse with the picturesque impressiveness of Gen. Joe Hooker, no 
one else could ; for when in full uniform, mounted upon that mag- 
nificent white charger presented to him by the citizens of New York, 
he rode down the line, at the head of his brilliant staff, he seemed 
to his admiring soldiers the very impersonation of the spirit of battle, 
a warrior born to lead them to victory. But if General Slocum 
lacked some of these minor accessories of the popular hero, he had 
all the sterling, soldierly qualities which the others possessed, and 
some of head and heart in which the others were deficient. 

But I was to speak to you of the Twelfth Corps. That corps was 
organized in September, 1862, from a part of what had been called 
the Army of Virginia and a number of new regiments. It was a 
fine body of troops and was splendidly officered. Look at some of 
its brigade commanders! There was General Thomas L. Kane of 
Philadelphia, formerly of the famous "Bucktails;" General Ruger 
of the Second Brigade, a splendid officer ; and General Greene, that 
grand old veteran who so gallantly defended this hill, when on the 
afternoon of the second day's battle the rest of the corps was sent 
over to reinforce the left. The First Division was commanded by 

41 



?Kcnrv» Earner Slocum 

genial, kind-hearted, and valorous General Alpheus S. Williams, 
" Pap" Williams, as his boys loved to call him; while GeneralJohn 
W. Geary, afterwards Governor of this State, commanded the Second 
Division. And over all and inspiring all with his high soldierly 
qualities and calm, quiet, but impressive personality, was the great 
leader whose bronze statue looks down upon us here to-day. 

General Slocum, although a West Point graduate and regular 
army officer, had resigned from the army before the breaking out of 
the war, and his mind had been broadened and humanized, as it 
were, by daily contact with all kinds of men in civil life. He knew 
and recognized better than most officers who had remained in the 
service and whose duties had run in the narrow channels of army life 
in time of peace, that the young officers and men of the volunteer 
regiments of those days were not of the kind that had been in the 
habit of enlisting before the war, but were of the best blood of the 
land and could be moulded and made effective as soldiers more by 
kindness and by the inspiration of duty than by rough handling and 
the compulsion of fear. And during the months that followed, both 
in the Vallej r and at Stafford Court House, he brought the Twelfth 
Corps, whose emblem was the Star, into such a state of discipline 
and effectiveness that it compared favorably with even the gallant 
corps of our Chairman, and what higher praise could I give it than 
that. And in the battle of Chancellors ville, which began so bril- 
liantly, only to end in defeat, General Slocum so skillfully handled 
his corps that, although it was largely composed of regiments that 
had never been under fire, it did not waver when the troops on its 
right were swept away and thrown into a panic such as sometimes 
comes to the bravest troops when surprised and attacked at a dis- 
advantage. With his right turned, Hooker did probably the best 
that could be done under the circumstances. At midnight Slocum 
swung forward his corps at right angles to the line of breastworks 
which it had built and occupied in the morning, and there at the 
edge of the woods at the foot of Chancellorsville Hill, with its First 
Division just to the left of the famous plank road, with the gallant 
Corps of our Chairman on its right, across the road, it fought on 
that Sunday morning in May as only brave men fight, until the line 
was crumbling all about it. 

It is perhaps enough to say that General Hooker was so impressed 
with the coolness and skill displayed by General Slocum in that battle, 

42 



5Renrs Warner Slocum 

and the gallantry of his Corps under the most trying circumstances, 
that when Lee had crossed the Potomac and Hooker was following 
him and planning how to fight and defeat the Confederate Army, he 
decided to send General Slocum with the Twelfth Corps and the ten 
thousand Union troops then lying idle and useless at Harpers Ferry 
to the upper Potomac, there to head off and attack and defeat what 
was left of Lee's Army, after the Army of the Potomac had fought 
and defeated it somewhere in this vicinity, and driven it back towards 
the river. But when Hooker applied to General Halleck for the 
troops at Harpers Ferry for this purpose, he was met with a curt 
refusal, and, stung thereby, he tendered his resignation of the com- 
mand of the Army. I don't really believe that he supposed it would 
be accepted. But it was, and as promptly as it was given ; for in 
those days it was the fashion of those in authority at Washington to 
decapitate any commander of the Army of the Potomac who failed 
to win a victory. Three heads had already fallen into the official 
basket — McDowell's, McClellan's and Burnside's — and Hooker's 
made the fourth. 

With General Meade's appointment to command in Hooker's 
place, General Slocum 's assignment to the duty I have mentioned 
fell with it. Of course, it is mere speculation now ; but one cannot 
help thinking of what would have been the result, if, after Lee's 
army had been defeated here and promptly followed up, a cool 
determined fighter like General Slocum, with twenty thousand men 
had been at the fords of the upper Potomac to head it off. In that 
event, how much of that army and its immense baggage train would 
have recrossed the river into Virginia ? But it was not to be. 
Meade, when appointed, although immediately given control of the 
ten thousand troops at Harpers Ferry, which had been refused to 
his predecessor, ignored Hooker's plan to locate a strong force on 
the upper Potomac to cut off Lee's retreat; and so Slocum lost that 
opportunity of fighting a battle on his own account, and with the 
Twelfth Corps pressed on to this place. 

I remember as though it were but yesterday, that long, dry and 
dusty march on July 1, 1863. The men had tramped many miles 
through heat and dust, under a burning sky, and were ready to drop 
with fatigue, when late in the afternoon, General Slocum came 
riding by us towards the head of the column. As he passed he said 
in his cheery, pleasant way, as I have no doubt he said to the regi- 

43 



Menn) TttHarner Slocum 

ments behind us, " Press on, men, as rapidly as you can! There is 
fighting in front of us. Press on and follow me!"" And at one 
that tired and drooping column straightened up as if a thrill of new 
life and strength and energy had been put into it, and hurrying on 
came upon the field of battle too late for that day's conflict, but 
ready for the fighting of the days that followed. Such was General 
Slocum's power over his troops. 

I will not attempt to describe the battle; it has been done too 
often by speakers far abler than I. But even after nearly forty years 
have passed, as we gaze upon the scene of the conflict, we can 
realize what a cold thrill of apprehension swept through the North 
when it was known that the Confederate Army, elated with its suc- 
cess at Chancellorsville, was here in the State of Pennsylvania, and 
that upon the issue of the conflict to be waged upon this field hung 
in a measure the destiny of the Nation. If General Lee succeeded 
in defeating the Union Army here, what was to prevent his sweep- 
ing on to Harrisburg and Philadelphia, and even to New York, 
levying contributions of money and material as he went and leaving 
a broad swath of ruin and desolation behind him? And we all 
know that at that time the governments of Europe were only wait- 
ing for such a victory to recognize and acknowledge the Southern 
Confederacy. 

The Union Army had never fought a great battle in a Northern 
State before, and the touch of the free soil under its feet and the 
breath of the free air from these hills seemed to inspire every man 
with fresh courage and determination. It was a battle of giants. 
Gazing back now, through the long era of peace and prosperity 
that has come to us as a reunited nation, where one flag floats alike 
over North and South and East and West, we can look upon those 
armies without the old sectional feeling of bitterness and recognize 
the merits of each. 

Over on Seminary Ridge and along the line in our front was 
arrayed the finest and best equipped military force that the South 
had ever put into the field. It was commanded by Gen. Robert 
E. Lee, one of the ablest soldiers of the nineteenth century; and 
under him were such brilliant lieutenants as Longstreet, Hill, 
Ewell, Pickett, Pender and Gordon. It was an army of whose 
fighting qualities any nation might be proud. And it had but one 
superior, and that was composed of the long line of blue, stretching 
u 



Menr^ TRUarner Slocum 

from Little Round Top, through Devil's Den and the open fields 
to Cemetery Ridge, and along the crest of this hill where we are 
gathered to-day. Over it was its new commander, General Meade, 
and under him such brilliant leaders as Hancock and Slocum and 
Sickles and Sedgwick and Warren, and many others, some of 
whom are with us here on this occasion. 

I will not attempt to describe the events of those momentous 
days — of the attack on the left where the gallant Sickles fell, des- 
perately wounded — of Ewell's repeated attempts to carry this hill, 
where our hero commanded — of the last desperate assault upon 
the centre, where the dauntless Hancock raged and swore and 
fought and fell, with two Confederate generals dead right there at 
the Bloody Angle, and our own gallant and beloved General Webb 
lying wounded not thirty paces away. 

Suffice it to say that after three days of the most desperate 
fighting of modern times, when the next morning the sun of our 
natal day came up over the hills, that gallant line of blue was still 
there with Old Glory — the only thing of beauty on all that war- 
swept landscape — still floating above it, while the opposing line of 
gray, with its stars and bars, had disappeared from the front, and 
that night was hastening with all speed to place the Potomac 
between it and its conquerors. 

Oh would that Slocum and his twenty thousand had been where 
Hooker designed to put them then ! In that event, how many of 
that defeated army would have escaped across the river? 

I am not much of a believer in special providences, especially in 
war; I am rather inclined to accept the Napoleonic maxim that 
'Providence favors staunch hearts and the heaviest battalions." 
But it did seem as though a higher power smiled upon our cause 
when, in the very crisis of our country's peril, the dawn of that 
Independence Day brought us this decisive victory here and that 
other glorious success at Vicksburg on the Mississippi. 

The official records of this battle show that the casualties on both 
sides were over forty-four thousand, — much more than the entire 
loss in all the battles of some later wars that we have heard so much 
of recently. The dead of the Union Army included all ranks from 
Major General Reynolds, commanding the First Corps, down 
through all grades to the man with the musket who gave all he 
had — his heart's blood — for his country, while among the wounded 

46 



Wenr£ HQarner Slocum 

were our Chairman, General Hancock, General Webb, and thousands 
of others. 

On that Fourth of July morning there they lay where they had 
fallen, the dead and the dying, the blue and the gray, in close prox- 
imity to each other. Think of the loss of life here, and then remem- 
ber that this battle was fought with old muzzle loading muskets and 
cannon, and not with the improved weapons of to-day. Ever}' time 
a soldier fired he had to go through the nine motions of the old time 
manual of arms before he was ready to fire again. Think of it ! If 
these two armies had been equipped with the breech loading rifles 
and rapid fire guns of to-day, and had fought with the same des- 
peration and courage, it would seem that not even a corporal's guard 
would have been left to claim the victory. But as it was, there was 
enough precious blood poured out upon this battlefield and a hundred 
others to ensanguine the land before peace came. And of those 
who were living at the close of the war, how many are alive to-day? 
Nearly all the great leaders who fought in this battle, and a large 
majority of the men who fought under them, have answered their 
last roll call here, and casting off the blue uniform of earth have 
passed up to the blue of the skies. 

I say all have gone up there, and I mean it. No one need tell 
me that the spirits of those gallant boys who fought on this field 
have gone down the other way. We cannot believe it. Those brave 
young fellows who did the fighting here and elsewhere in those red 
letter days — officers and privates — may not all have been saints — 
I am afraid some of them were not. They may at times have used 
language more forcible than pious in speaking of traitors and copper- 
heads: they may not have strictly applied the doctrine of meum and 
teuin when inspecting a rebel smokehouse, or chicken roost, or even 
a stray sutler's wagon ; they may have assembled in their little tents 
and gotten down upon their knees around a cracker box too often to 
shuffle bits of pasteboard, and not often enough for penitence and 
prayer; but what did such petty faults amount to in comparison with 
the blood they so freely shed for their country. I believe that in 
the eyes of the recording angel their blood wiped all such peccadillos 
out, and that Saint Peter, who is said to guard the portals up there, 
never swings back the golden gate so willingly or says "God 
speed you" so fervently, as when he lets the spirit of a gallant sol- 
dier in. 

46 



Menr\> IKflarner Slocum 

Oh, that grand old Army of the Potomac ! Abused and maligned 
by the newspapers of those days, as is the fashion of some of them 
to abuse our gallant army to-day — nagged on to attempt impossi- 
bilities like the cry of " On to Richmond," " On to Richmond," in 
the first months of the war — sometimes miscommanded — some- 
times meeting defeat and disaster — but never conquered in spirit — 
always ready to rally and fight again — and, when given a fair chance, 
to win victories, as on this historic field of Gettysburg. 

We of the Twelfth Corps were very proud of our connection with 
the Army of the Potomac ; and when not long after this battle we 
were down on the Rappahannock again confronting the same old foe, 
and the news came of Rosecrans' repulse at Chickamauga, and the 
government alarmed at the perilous condition of his army ordered 
the Eleventh and Twelfth Corps to hasten to its support, we were 
very sorry to leave our old comrades here ; but we certainly thought 
that those Western troops would welcome us with open arms, and 
look up to us as bringing the prestige of Gettysburg and the Army 
of the Potomac with us. But when we got down there we found 
that those western troops were not looking up to anything from the 
east; but, on the contrary, rather turned up their noses at the Army 
of the Potomac, and with true western modesty appeared to think 
that about all there was of skill and bravery in the Union Army was 
located out there in the west. 

When we got down into Tennessee, the Twelfth Corps was 
immediately stationed along the lines of the Nashville and Chat- 
tanooga Railroad, from Murfreesboro to Bridgeport, to guard the 
line of communication and supplies. And during the months that 
followed we should have had a rather pleasant time of it, if it hadn't 
been for a certain Confederate cavalry leader, who kept swooping 
down upon the railroad at unexpected times and places, tearing up 
the track and burning the bridges. We would get a dispatch that 
the rebel cavalry were approaching some little station, and, hurriedly 
tumbling into and on top of any empty train of cars that was at 
hand, we would dash at full speed down the road and usually arrive 
just in time to find the rails torn up, the bridge burning, and the 
tails of the rebel cavalry whisking a defiant farewell to us as they 
disappeared over the hills in the distance. For the leader of this 
force was too skilled and wary a soldier to remain and fight his horse- 
men against infantry from the Army of the Potomac. 

47 



Menr\> Marncr Slocum 

Hut I was about to tell you of our first meeting with the western 
troops. When General Slocum arranged his Corps along the rail- 
road, your speaker was assigned to the command of the post at 
Bridgeport, Alabama. It was on the Tennessee River, which at 
that point was very wide and divided by a large island; an immense 
railroad bridge had spanned it, but the Southern Army had very 
ungraciously burnt it when retreating a few months before. Bridge- 
port was, therefore, the southern terminus at that time of the only 
railroad connecting the army at Chattanooga with the North. On 
the other side of the river was stationed a division of our western 
troops, with a pontoon bridge uniting us. 

As soon as we had our camp arranged and settled, we resumed 
our daily guard mounting, drills and dress parades. In the latter, 
every officer was, of course, required to appear in full uniform, with 
sash and sword, and all the men with boots blacked, brasses bur- 
nished, and in all respects duly equipped, as had been our custom 
when in camp in Virginia. Now to the western troops on the other 
side of the river these things seemed uncalled for and ridiculous. 
They were brave fellows, those western lads, as we learned after- 
wards in many a hard fought battle, and big-hearted and generous; 
but they had very little regard for parades or drills or personal appear- 
ance. Most of them wore old slouch hats instead of the regulation 
cap, and various kinds of footgear; and they seemed to think that if 
they only kept their muskets in order and their cartridge boxes full, 
it didn't matter much how other things looked. And they rather 
resented the wearing of caps and collars — "paper collars," they 
called them — and the otherwise trim and natty appearance of the 
soldiers from the east. They would come over the river in groups, 
and, standing just outside the camp grounds, watch our evolutions. 
What they seemed to admire and yet resent the most were our 
dress parades. As at the tap of the drum each company, trim and 
soldier-like, marched out from its company street and wheeled into 
line on the colors, and the ranks were formed and the music beat 
off, and the manual of arms was gone through with, like the click 
of a single gun, and the first sergeants reported, and the orders 
were read and the parade dismissed — they would watch it all and 
grin and nudge each other and wonder, ' ' if those paper collar galoots 
from the Army of the Potomac and their dandy officers thought 
that was anything like war." And while they were good enough 

48 





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Henri? TKHarner Slocum 

to admit that those eastern chaps could drill and parade and handle 
their muskets to beat the band, they insisted that "they'd be dog- 
goned" if they believed they could fight along side of their division. 

But when these same Army of the Potomac fellows, under 
Hooker and Geary, charged steadily up the sides of Lookout Moun- 
tain in the face of a deadly fire, and, driving the Confederates down 
the other side, planted Old Glory on its top ; and, especially, when in 
one of the early fights of the spring campaign, this very division that 
in the winter lay across the river from us, was suddenly attacked in 
force, and, taken by surprise, fell back in disorder ; and that division of 
the Twelfth Corps, which included the very troops whose drills and 
parades they had laughed at, was ordered up, and, with the precision 
of the east, swept in a long, steady line right over them and retook and 
held the position they had lost — we heard no more about those 
"dandy officers and paper-collared galoots from the Army of the 
Potomac" not being able to fight alongside of their division. 

And what was thought of them by that grim old chieftain, 
Tecumseh Sherman — who at one time was considered at Washing- 
ton to be crazy, but whose craziness was of the kind the War 
Department ought always to keep on tap, along with that brand of 
whiskey which General Grant's enemies claimed he took too much 
of — what Sherman thought of them is shown by the fact that 
when he had captured Atlanta — and the Twelfth Corps boys were 
the first to get into the city, and was arranging that wonderful 
march to the sea which cut the Confederacy in twain, he sent back 
to Chattanooga a large share of his western troops but took all the 
boys from the Army of the Potomac and their "dandy officers" 
with him; — and, more than that, he assigned the two major- 
generals who had come from the east with them to the command of 
the right and left wings into which he had divided his army. That 
he made no mistake in the selection of our Chief is proved by the 
record of that marvelous campaign through Georgia and the Caro- 
linas, and especially by the fact that when he had got up into North 
Carolina and the left wing was near a little place called Benton ville, 
marching leisurely along through the mud without anything to 
indicate that there was a fight ahead, Kilpatrick's cavalry came 
rushing back with the report that Joe Johnston's whole com- 
mand was just in front of us, and in short order the battle of Ben- 
tonville was on. It seems that General Johnston, having collected 
an army of forty thousand, and knowing that Sherman was with 

4 49 



Menn? TWlarner ©locum 

the right wing marching on a parallel road miles away, thought he 
could fall upon Slocum's command and annihilate it before Sher- 
man and the rest of the army could come up. That Confederate 
chieftain had made many mistakes before, but never a worse one 
than that, for instead of annihilating Slocum's command, he was 
so neatly and completely defeated himself that he lost all stomach 
for fighting thereafter, and in a short time surrendered his whole 
army to General Sherman. The battle of Bentonville was Slocum's 
battle, and General Sherman gave him full credit for it. 

Look at his record, briefly summed up. Educated at West 
Point ; soon afterwards, in time of peace, resigning from the army ; 
then, at the first bugle call to arms, raising the gallant Twenty- 
seventh New York Volunteers and going to the front as its colonel ; 
wounded at Bull Run; promoted to the rank of brigadier-general, 
and then, within a few months, assigned to the command of a 
division in the old Sixth Corps, distinguishing himself at the battle 
of Gaines's Mill and other battles of the Peninsular campaign, and 
afterwards at Crampton's Pass and Antietam; then promoted to 
the command of the Twelfth Army Corps, he made it the magnifi- 
cent fighting machine whose prowess at Chancellorsville and Gettys- 
burg has given it a conspicuous place in history ; and in the west, 
as the trusted lieutenant of the dauntless Sherman, in his marvelous 
marches and campaigns, he ends the fighting in that department 
with his victory at Bentonville. Not one mistake, not one event 
in those long years of active leadership which we would wish to 
blot out. And then, when the war is over and that for which he 
fought is won, he sheathes his sword and returns to the peaceful 
avocations of the citizen. Oh, life is worth living when it can fur- 
nish such a record as this! Is it any wonder that the officers and 
men whom he commanded trusted and believed in him and loved 
him? Is it any wonder that the great State of New York erects 
this magnificent statue to his memory on this historic battlefield, 
which as the years go by shall more and more become the Mecca of 
American patriotism and valor? Here our children's children shall 
come, and, gazing at this statue, and others like it, and these hun- 
dreds of monuments of regiments and batteries, and those thousands 
of little nameless granite slabs over yonder in the cemetery, be 
inspired with new love for the Union of these States, and new rev- 
erence for all that is noble and beautiful and good in the lives of 
those who fought and won our country's victory here. 

50 



©ration b£ Col. Hrcbie E. Barter, 20tb H. <L 



General Sickles, Ladies and Gentlemen — Comrades : 

Our old camp fires have gone out, we pitch and strike our tents 
no more, and the reveille no longer awakens us from our slumbers. 
Traces of forts, earth works, and abattis are passing away. Upon 
fields that echoed with the turmoil of battle, the shouts of victory, 
the cries of wounded and dying, we see churches and school houses, 
and hear the hum of industry, the laughter of children, the song of 
birds, and the rustle of waving grain. 

Nearly forty years ago ! And yet in the midst of these impressive 
surroundings, how thrillingly come thronging back memories of the 
old times. Once more we meet where was fought the mightiest and 
most fateful battle of the war. Here rebellion reached its highest 
mark, and was, by the valor, courage, and devotion of heroic souls 
contending for national unity, the freedom and uplifting of a race, 
stayed and turned back forever. 

We meet on ground hallowed by the blood of patriots, and 
sacred as an encampment of our soldier dead. As we entered, 
it seemed as if unseen hands had thrown wide the gates ; that they 
saluted the living throng, and that shadowy forms were keeping 
noiseless tread beside us. 

While this was a great national battlefield where every State was 
heroically represented and upon which even the vanquished won 
imperishable renown, there is no other field upon which the sons 
of our imperial State may more proudly erect memorials in honor 
of their soldier dead. In a large sense Gettysburg was New 
York's battlefield. During the three momentous days in which 
the awful struggle swept from Seminary Ridge to Round Top, 
along the blazing heights of Cemetery Hill, through the Peach 
Orchard and over the Wheatfield, in front of the Bloody Angle and 
through the Devil's Den, nearly one-third of the mighty throng 
who wore the blue were New York veterans. When the smoke 

51 



1Hcnr\> Warner Slocum 

of this battle of the giants had lifted, when joyous bells were pealing 
and our people singing glad hosannas, there was weeping and 
wailing in stricken homes all over our great State over the loss of 
nearly one- third of those who lay here wounded, dying and dead. 
— wounded, dying and dead that they might keep Old Glory flying 
in the name of liberty and humanity, of their country and their 
God. 

Had New York called the roll of her generals who rendered con- 
spicuous services on this famous field, in addition to the name of 
the great soldier whose deeds we commemorate to-day, what a 
brilliant galaxy would have answered, " Here." High among that 
distinguished array would have stood the honored name of General 
Sickles, who, far out in front held back the advance of one-third of 
Lee's army for an hour, a precious sixty minutes, every one of 
which was worth to General Meade a hundred priceless lives; and 
the gallant General Webb, w r ho was decorated with wounds and 
covered himself with glory in the desperate struggle at the Bloody 
Angle. Of New York's generals two were killed and seven wounded 
upon this field. 

Our purpose here naturally recalls recollections of the illustrious 
soldier, who, at a crisis in this great struggle, averted irretrievable 
disaster and made possible the victory that marked the beginning 
of the end of the Confederacy, brought fresh renown to our arms 
and a luster to our flag that will never fade. As boys we loved, 
trusted and were proud of this great captain, and confidently fol- 
lowed wherever he led. To-day, as men, many of us grown old 
beyond our years, we are reverently gathered to honor his memory. 
Patriotic New York has been generous with monuments and statues 
in honor of her sons, but never has she erected one more deserved 
than is this in commemoration of the inestimable services to his 
State and Nation of her greatest soldier, Major-General Henry 
Warner Slocum. 

How like is this bronze hero of to-day to the living soldier of 
forty years ago. True, there is no recognition in the sightless eyes; 
no greeting falls from the silent lips. The flag he loved, streaming 
gloriously in the sunlight, the strains of war-like music, the roar of 
cannon, or the acclaims of those he led to victory no longer thrill 
the warrior's heart. Heedless of all, he keeps, in this city of the 
dead, ceaseless vigils over the field he fought to save. And yet, as 

52 



Henr^ Warner ©locum 

we gaze on the grim, bronze figure, forgotten are the years that are 
gone. Once more we are boys in the presence of the general we 
loved so well. Again we see the kindly eyes, the grave, clean-cut, 
soldierly face, the erect martial figure. We see him in the quiet 
of the camp, dignified yet gentle and approachable, modest and 
unassuming. We see him with his staff, an elder brother in his 
military family, admired, honored and loved by all. Genial, warm- 
hearted and familiar, but through his innate dignity restraining 
excesses and exacting the respect due him and his exalted station. 
We see him in the heat of battle, cool, deliberate, and self-poised 
amid the wild excitement, the awful crash and roar. 

But mark the change when he discovers that ' ' some one has 
blundered. ' ' The whole man seems transfigured. There is a ter- 
rible intensity in the compressed lips, the blazing eyes. It is not 
the joy of conflict, the lust of battle, but rather the outward mark 
of a relentless will, of a determination to save what the blunder 
has endangered, to triumph for his flag and country. Let the bat- 
tle roar, the lines surge and waver, he never loses his soldierly grasp 
of the situation. No sudden reverse discourages or dismays. 
Through scenes that blanch the faces and unnerve the hearts of 
veterans, he stands unshaken, noting, with eyes from which no 
detail escapes, the shifting scenes, and weighing with unerring skill 
the varying chances of battle. Never needlessly sacrificing his men, 
but relentless as death where victory ma}' be won by supreme cour- 
age and sublime devotion. We see him on a score of historic fields 
stemming disaster, wresting victory from defeat, winning new glory 
for the flag, and from Bull Run to Bentonville, carving with stain- 
less sword his name among the immortals. He still lives in the 
memory of his great achievements and exalted manhood. His 
example is a constant incentive to higher resolves and nobler deeds. 
For 

"When we see in our dreams that shadowy region 

Where the dead form their ranks at the wan drummer's sign, 
He rides on as of old at the head of his legion, 

And the word is still Forward, along the whole line. ' ' 

It is my privilege to speak to-day for the Twentieth Corps ; for 
the living and the dead of that army of heroes who, fresh from 
scenes of glorious conflict in the east, sought and won new laurels on 

53 



?Hcnr\> TCflarncr Slocum 

western fields; whose place in line was always where the hattle raged 
the fiercest, whose flag was never lowered on the field, whose bugles 
never sounded a retreat, whose proud boast was that they never lost 
a color or a gun ; and whose stars, like those that blazed on the flag 
they bore, grew brighter in every battle from Chattanooga to the 
sea. We saw the flashes of their musketry and heard the roar of 
their cannon at Wauhatchie's midnight fight. We watched them 
clamber up grim Lookout's rugged side and plant Old Glory in 
triumph above the clouds. We beheld them sweep grandly across 
the plain and with ringing cheers storm the towering heights of 
Missionary Ridge. We saw them between Chattanooga and Atlanta 
when, in all that hundred days, the "minies" never ceased singing 
in ghoulish glee; fighting gloriously, dying fearlessly, always vic- 
torious and constantly displaying the splendid courage, endurance 
and devotion that made them the equals of the best soldiers the 
world has ever seen. 

"They won the name in the ancient game 

Where the toss is death or life ; 
They won the name 'mid the searing flame 

And the hell of an awful strife ; 
They bore the flag as true men should. 

Can a better thing be said? 
Then a cheer and a wreath, and a tear and a wreath 

We give to the quick and the dead.' 1 

September second, at the head of the Twentieth Corps, General 
Slocum was the first to enter Atlanta. Then began preparations 
for a campaign, bold in conception, brilliant in execution, and fruit- 
ful in results, the march from the mountains to the sea; a campaign 
that split the Confederacy in twain, cut off the supplies upon which 
Lee's army had subsisted, filled with consternation the heart of 
that great soldier who saw that Sherman's real objective was a 
junction with Grant, made clear the hopelessness of further resist- 
ance, and sounded the death knell of the Rebellion. 

To General Slocum, who so valiantly commanded the right 
wing of the army at Gettysburg, was intrusted the left wing of 
Sherman's army. It was a post of great importance, one that called 
into full play the superb soldierly traits of the experienced and 
resourceful general. 

54 



Henri? UClarner Slocum 

November fifteenth the army cut loose from the outer world and 
swung boldly towards the sea. As General Slocum's command was 
the first to enter Atlanta, so was it the first, in the person of the 
gallant General Henry A. Barnum and his men, to scale the Con- 
federate works and enter the city of Savannah. 

His mid- winter march with heavy wagon trains and artillery 
through the flooded swamps and across the swollen and bridgeless 
rivers of the Carolinas was one of General Slocum's greatest achieve- 
ments. At Averasboro he won a handsome victory over General 
Hardee. Near Bentonville, General Joe Johnston, discovering that 
our two wings were moving by divergent routes, massed his whole 
force and entrenched in General Slocum's front, intending to sur- 
prise him and crush his army. But General Slocum, always alert, 
rapidly deployed in line of battle. While his men were hurriedly 
gathering fence rails for barricades, using their tin plates and cups 
for shovels, the shock of battle broke upon them. Out of the woods 
in front burst the gallant gray lines. Their flags were waving gayly 
in the sunlight ; sabres flashed and bayonets gleamed. To our wait- 
ing lines fronting the onset it was a thrilling sight. On, though 
ploughed and torn by our artillery, with the steadiness of veterans 
confident of success, they came. Midway across the field they broke 
into a run and, with the old Confederate yell, came sweeping 
towards us. Suddenly out from our ranks leaped sheets of living 
flame. Volley after volley ran flashing, rattling and hissing down 
our lines. Thinned and staggered by the withering fire, they 
wavered, broke, and went reeling back across the field. Again and 
again with desperate courage they recklessly charged, and though 
men of the blue and the gray fell side by side, six times they were 
driven back over a field thickly strewn with their wounded and dead. 
Then, as the sun broke through the smoke of battle and bathed our 
flag in a flood of glory, from our triumphant lines the old Union 
cheer burst from the lips of veterans, who, in grim silence, had fought 
like heroes and splendidly won the last battle of Sherman's Army. 

Bentonville was known as Slocum's battle. Here practically 
ended his military career. The war over, the Union saved and 
liberty proclaimed throughout the land, his heart turned longingly 
towards the pursuits of peace, and he gladly sheathed his sword 
forever. 

As a soldier he had never reached the dazzling summit of supreme 

55 



Henrp Mamer ©locum 

command ; but he had proved equal to every trust committed to him. 
His heart had been untouched by intrigue, quarreling, rivalry, envy 
or disappointed ambition. Unmindful of personal advancement he 
sought only his country's safety and glory. Heedless of all else 
save personal honor, he was content to do his best modestly and 
resolutely where duty called him, calm, strong and fearless in the 
gloom of disaster and in the glory of victory. 

As a citizen, though crowned with the lustre of great achieve- 
ments, he bore himself so meekly there was no reminder of the days 
when his words were potent upon fields of mighty conflict. Success- 
ful, esteemed, and loved, he might, had he but consented to "stoop 
to conquer," have held the highest places within the gift of his 
grateful countrymen. Amid the cares and responsibilities of an 
active life, he took pleasure in guarding with watchful care the welfare 
of the helpless veterans at the State Soldiers' Home, and in advancing 
the educational interests of the children of the city of his adoption. 
Time had already whitened the honored head, but had left throbbing 
within the old soldier's breast, a great, tender, loving heart. When 
the "Taps" sounded and his light went out forever, his city lost 
her most illustrious citizen, his State her greatest soldier. 

Comrades, I have spoken mainly of our great commanders. 
Were yon bronze figure addressing you, much of the credit, and 
justly too, would be given to the fathers and mothers of those trying 
days, and to the men of the rank and file. Who can measure the 
sacrifice that gives the first born to the perils of battle, or the grief 
that mourns his untimely death? Who can fathom the love of 
country that sends another from the stricken home, to fill the gap 
in the line made by a brother's fall? The pathetic story of those 
who mourned, with a grief that refused to be comforted, may be 
told in the words of the old man whose son came not back from 
the front: 

" There hangs a sabre and there a rein, 

With a rusty buckle and a green curb chain ; 

A pair of spurs on the old gray wall, 

A mouldering saddle, — well, that's all. 

Come out to the stable, it is not far ; 

The moss-covered door is hanging ajar ; 

Look within ! there's an empty stall 

Where once stood a charger, — well, that's all. 
M 



Menn> TKHarncr Slocum 

The good black horse came riderless home, 
Flecked with blood spots as well as foam ; 
See yonder hillock, where dead leaves fall ; 
The black horse pined to death, — that's all. 

All, my God ! it is all I can speak, 
Question me not, for I'm old and weak; 
The saddle and sabre hang on the wall, 
The black horse pined to death, — that's all." 

There is a desire in every heart to be remembered. We shrink 
from the belief that we will be forgotten when we are laid away. 
Statues, shafts, history, song and story guard the memories of the 
mighty chieftains. What of the heroic souls whose bleeding bodies 
paved their way to immortality? Slocum will live in the story of 
his great deeds at Culp's Hill and on a score of other celebrated 
fields. What of the men who lay in furrows around those gory 
heights and the hilltops that blazed with flame? What of the 
unsung dead whose blood enriched the wheatfield and those who 
lay among the old gray rocks and boulders in the Devil's Den? 
What of the rank and file whose steeds after the battle wheeled 
riderless at the bugle call as if guided by invisible hands? What 
of those who sleep where they fell on countless fields, or among 
swamps and everglades, beneath the moss clad oak and the sighing 
pine, under the dead grass and the withered leaves? No matter 
how daring their deeds, how sublime their heroism, how exalted 
their devotion, they live only in the general story of the great strug- 
gle in which they fell. Yet of each of those " uncrowned kings " 
some one can say : 

' ' I knew him and also I knew, 

When he fell on the battle-swept ridge, 
The poor battered body that la)' there in blue, 

Was only a plank in the bridge 
Over which some would pass to a fame, 

That will live while the bright stars shine; 
Your hero is known by an echoing name, 

But the boy of the musket is mine." 

We cannot commemorate with marble or bronze the deeds of 
each of the rank and file, but we should revere the memory of even 
the humblest soldier who fell in defense of his country. 



Menn? TKflarner Slocum 

Every memorial in this enclosure is a mute reminder of sacri- 
fices made to defend principles and make them enduring. Each 
recalls the thrilling story of four long years of waiting and watch- 
ing, of hope and fear, of success and defeat, of gladness and heart- 
aches and of courage, endurance and devotion as sublime as the 
world has ever witnessed. 

The highest tribute we can pay the memories of our soldier 
dead is to sacredly guard and make immortal that for which they 
fought and fell. They died for the preservation of the Union, for 
liberty, for their country, for the flag and all it stands for. Have 
we faithfully endeavored not only to perpetuate, but to develop and 
perfect the noble heritage they left us? If not, the dedication of 
monuments and statues would be but an idle and meaningless cere- 
mony. To-day our Union rests on as firm a foundation and is as 
stable as the everlasting hills. Were it assailed none would defend 
it more loyally than those who so valiantly strove to rend it asunder. 
Liberty reigns everywhere within our borders, and America is in 
truth not merely the land of the free, but we have, in the name of 
humanity, broken the shackles that bound the oppressed of other 
shores. We have given to the freedmen rights won amid the throes, 
the agony of battle, while defending the flag so many of them died 
to save. We have kept that flag, at home and abroad, stainless 
and growing brighter with an ever-increasing glory. We have 
stood for the enactment of wise, just and beneficent laws and for 
their honest and fearless enforcement. We are elevating the stand- 
ard of American citizenship and making our government, in all 
that contributes to a country's happiness, intelligence, progress and 
prosperity, the foremost in the world. We have taken our proper 
place in the forefront among the great nations of the earth, and 
are exerting a potential influence in advancing the cause of liberty, 
justice, humanity and civilization; and for the first time in our his- 
tory our flag commands respect on every land and sea. 

Comrades, we can truly say to those who slumber here, "We 
have kept the faith. Rest in peace." 

In the old days you were relied upon to protect upon the field 
all that was dearest to your countrymen as citizens, and you were 
faithful to that trust. The sons of those who then wore the blue 
and the gray are bravely, generously and unselfishly upholding our 
flag under the blazing sun and in the pitiless storm, in the deadly 

58 



Menr$ Marner ©locum 

swamps and trackless jungles, amid foes who exult over their 
treachery and fiendish cruelty. Our honor, the lustre of our flag, 
are as safe in their keeping as they were in yours on the battlefields 
of the Rebellion. 

In the name of patriotism, of loyalty and of the flag they bear, 
criticise them less and praise their valor and devotion more. Let us 
as a people make for our country a tithe of their sacrifices, and we 
will awaken to a truer sense of the duties of citizenship, love our 
country more zealously, advance with quickened stride the cause of 
liberty and humanity, and prolong the days of our republic's great- 
ness and glory. 



Beneolctton b$ IRev. 3osepb M. Gwfcbell, D. D. 



The peace of God, which passeth all understanding, keep your 
hearts and minds in the knowledge and love of God and of his Son, 
Jesus Christ, our Lord; And the blessing of God Almighty, the 
Father, the Son and the Holy Ghost, be among you, and remain 
with you always. Amen. 



•Reunion of (Sreene's Ittew Jflorfc Brfaaoe, Culp's Hill, 
(Bettpsbura, pa., September 19, 1902. 



Order of Exercises. 



Introductory Address, Capt. George K. Collins, President. 

Music by the Band. 

Poem, " Slocum the Soldier,'* by Col. Juan Lewis. 

Song, "America." 

Oration, "The Right Wing," by Col. Lewis R. Stegman. 

Music by the Band. 

Address by Gen. John A. Reynolds, Chief of Artillery. 

Address by Gen. Robert Avery. 

Music by the Band. 

These exercises were held on the forenoon of September 19, 
1902, at Culp's Hill, on the ground occupied by Greene's Brigade 
at the Battle of Gettysburg. The veterans of the five regiments 
composing the brigade formed column in the public square, and, 
headed by the band, marched to Culp's Hill. The theme of the 
oration, addresses and poem related closely to the operations of 
General Slocum and the right wing on this battlefield; but more 
particularly to the services rendered by the Twelfth Corps, and the 
troops from other commands which assisted in the defense of this 
important position. At the close of the exercises the veterans 
broke ranks and spent an hour or more in viewing the regimental 
monuments, and talking over the stirring scenes in which they par- 
ticipated on this historic ground. 

60 



jFoteworb. 



The following biographical sketch of Major General Henry W. 
Slocum, and the historical narrative of the Twelfth and Twentieth 
Army Corps, have been compiled by Col. William F. Fox, of the 
Twelfth and Twentieth Corps. 

Appreciating the loyalty, diligence, and zeal displayed by 
Colonel Fox in his work, the Commissioners decline responsibility 
for the views and criticisms expressed by General Sherman, General 
Slocum, and others, in the interesting letters now, for the first time, 
published. 

General Slocum, himself, long before his decease, had chosen 
Colonel Fox as the historian of the Twelfth Army Corps. General 
Slocum 's family kindly placed his correspondence at the disposal of 
Colonel Fox in the preparation of the biography. 

THE COMMISSION. 

61 



%ifc of General Slocum. 



By William F. Fox, Lieut. Col., U. S. V. 

63 



Menrs TKHarner Slocum 



THE War for the Union brought many persons into promi- 
nence, some of whom achieved renown by merited success, 
while others attracted temporary notice by their failures. 
After the lapse of years a better opportunity is afforded to study 
the men and the events then occupying the public mind. The truly 
great still command the attention of the historian ; the others who, 
with little cause, held for awhile the public eye and ear, have passed 
off the stage and no longer divert attention from the real actors in 
those stirring scenes. As distance is necessary in viewing rightly 
the proportions of the lofty mountain or grand cathedral, so time 
alone can furnish a true perspective in estimating the deeds and 
character of the real heroes in that great epoch of our national 
life. 

Henry Warner Slocum was born September 24, 1826, in Delphi, 
a quiet, pretty village in Onondaga county, N. Y. For three gen- 
erations his ancestors had lived in Newport, R. I., whence his father, 
Matthew B. Slocum, moved to Albany, N. Y., in 1812. While 
residing at the State capital he married Miss Mary Ostrander, of 
that cit'- They moved to Delphi in 1817, where the elder Slocum 
eng- s ed in mercantile pursuits. Of the eleven children in the fam- 
ily Henry was the sixth. Though the business of the village mer- 
chant was prosperous as accounted in those days, yet his income 
hardly sufficed to give his children the advantages accorded to the 
rich. Young Slocum had ambitions which could be gratified only 
by earning money for himself. To obtain the higher education 
which he keenly desired he engaged in business ventures of a minor 
character which were successful, and at sixteen he secured a position 
as teacher in a country school. 

General Howard, in speaking of Slocum's occupation at this 
time, says that in those days our schools were not systematized, the 
daily work of instruction was various and prolonged, and the man- 
agement was no easy task. Yet there was no better training of the 
mind and character. As a preparation for his eventful life, he 
5 65 



frtenn? Marncr Slocum 

acquired in this work some of that self-control, just dealing, and 
constant patience so characteristic of his later years. These virtues, 
entering into the life of the young teacher, became a habit. While 
imparting instruction to others he acquired a thorough knowledge 
of the fundamental studies of an education which he retained and 
used throughout his life.* 

In accordance with his plans for acquiring a more liberal education 
and preparation for a college course he entered the seminary at Caze- 
novia, N. Y., and afterward studied at the State Normal School in 
Albany. He then returned to Cazenovia, where he resumed teach- 
ing, this time in one of the public schools of that town. 

The Mexican War was now the one pervading topic of interest 
throughout the land. The brilliant successes of the American army 
had imbued the people with warlike ardor and a pride in its soldiery. 
The young men of the country saw that public honors and prefer- 
ment were reserved largely for military heroes. 

Young Slocum entertained an ambition for a military career, and 
sought an appointment as a cadet at West Point. As there was no 
one in his circle of friends that had the special political influence to 
secure this favor, his first efforts to secure a nomination were fruit- 
less. But with a youth of Slocum's temperament failure does not 
bring discouragement. The day finally came, replete with joyous 
pride, when he received notice that the Hon. Daniel F. Gott, mem- 
ber of Congress, had named him as the cadet from the Syracuse dis- 
trict. He entered West Point July 1, 1848. 

General Howard in his reminiscences of Slocum's life at the 
Military Academy says: " It was my good fortune, my second year, 
during Cadet Slocum's first class-year, to room on the floor just 
below him. Of course there was class separation, and I was three 
years his junior; but he treated me with kindness and attention. 
His individuality especially impressed itself upon me. He expressed 
himself openly, when it cost so much to do so, as an opponent of 
human slavery. The pro-slavery sentiment at West Point was so 
great at that time that it derogated from one's popularity to express, 
or even to be suspected of, abolition sentiments. In spite of the 
opposition thus awakened, and his known attitude against prevailing 

* Address of General Howard at the Memorial Service in honor of General Slocum, held by 
Rankin Post, G. A. R., at Plymouth Church, Brooklyn, N. Y. 
66 



SHenn? Warner Slocum 

opinions, Cadet Slocum was, nevertheless, highly esteemed by all 
thoughtful fellow cadets, resulting in a lasting respect, which was 
only deepened by his subsequent life." 

General Sheridan, who was at West Point with Slocum, pays 
this kindly tribute, in his Memoirs, to the memory of his old class- 
mate : " Good fortune gave me for a room-mate a cadet whose educa- 
tion was more advanced than mine, and whose studious habits and 
willingness to aid others benefited me immensely. This room-mate 
was Henry W. Slocum, since so signally distinguished in both 
military and civil capacities as to win for his name a proud place in 
the annals of his country." 

Although many of Slocum's classmates entered the Academy 
with the advantage of a collegiate education he maintained a high 
standing in his scholastic work and graduated seventh in a class of 
forty-three. He was immediately commissioned as second lieutenant 
in the First United States Artillery, and assigned to duty in Florida, 
at that time the seat of the Seminole War. After a year or more 
of service there he was ordered, in the latter part of 1853, to Fort 
Moultrie, S. C. 

While on duty here the young lieutenant obtained a furlough, 
and returning to his native State took unto himself a wife, Miss 
Clara Rice of Woodstock, N. Y. It was the culmination of a 
happy acquaintance begun at Cazenovia Seminary when they were 
students in that institution. They were married February 9, 1854. 
The lieutenant brought his bride back with him to Fort Moultrie, 
where they remained three years. The post was one of the pleasantest 
stations in the army, and the social attractions of the city of Charles- 
ton helped to relieve the monotony of garrison life. 

While here Slocum received a commission as first lieutenant, a 
promotion that brought with it an increase of pay which was highly 
acceptable, as he had no income aside from this source. Having 
considerable spare time at his disposal he utilized his leisure hours 
in reading law. During the three years he was stationed at Charles- 
ton he studied under the direction of Hon. B. C. Presley, who was 
afterwards a judge ot the Supreme Court of South Carolina. In 1856 
he was qualified for admittance to the bar. 

Army life in time of peace had no attraction for Slocum. His 
regiment was ordered to Florida at a time when his child was ill, 
and the health of his wife would not permit a residence in that 

67 



Mcnr^ Earner Slocum 

cliniiite. He resigned his commission in 1857, and taking up a 
residence in Syracuse, N. Y., he began the practice of law. 

While in the army he developed the same business-like man- 
agement in his private affairs which in later years made him a 
wealthy man. Without being parsimonious he was careful and 
economical. It is related of him that even while a cadet, he was 
able to save some money and to assist his father in a small way 
financially. From his moderate pay as a lieutenant during his four 
years of service, he accumulated enough to buy a home in Syracuse 
and some city lots, that he improved, on what is now called Slocum 
Avenue. 

The young barrister speedily attained popularity in his new resi- 
dence. He was elected Treasurer of Onondaga County, and in 
1859 he represented this important district in the lower house of the 
State Legislature. He was appointed, also, as an instructor in the 
militia, with the rank of colonel. 

With the firing of the first gun on Sumter his former military 
ambition revived. Moreover, as he explained to his sad, but 
brave young wife, he had been educated at the expense of his 
country and he felt it his duty to respond promptly at the first 
alarm. 

He went to Albany, called upon the Governor and tendered 
his services to his State. He did not ask for a commission as 
brigadier-general or a colonelcy, although he was far better quali- 
fied to fill either position than most of the men to whom these 
appointments were given. He merely asked for authority to recruit 
a battery of light artillery. But the Governor, imbued with the 
optimistic spirit of the hour, gravely informed him that the South 
would be subdued without the use of artillery and the modest 
application was denied.* Slocum, whose residence at Charleston 
had made him familiar with the warlike attitude and terrible earnest- 
ness of the South, went home sadly discouraged over this condition 
of affairs. 

A regiment having been raised in Onondaga County, some of 
his friends suggested that the command should be given to him ; 
but this appointment was given to a militia colonel, and a good 
regiment lost the opportunity to gain the name and fame that would 
have been conferred could it have had the benefit of Slocum's services. 

* From a historical sketch of General Slocum's life by Major William G. Tracy, of his staff. 
68 



Menn? Warner Slocum 

It happened, however, that at this time the Twenty-seventh New 
York Infantry was organizing at the general rendezvous in Elmira. 
The officers determined that their regiment should have a West 
Point graduate as its colonel, and, although Slocum was known to 
them only by reputation, they tendered him the command. He 
accepted promptly and received his commission as colonel of the 
Twenty-seventh, with date of rank from May 21, 1861. His major 
was Joseph J. Bartlett, a brave, efficient officer who attained the 
rank of major-general before the close of the war. The companies 
for the most part were from Binghamton and the vicinity of 
Rochester. One company was composed almost entirely of students 
from the seminary at Lima, in Livingston County. The regiment, 
both officers and men, was composed of exceptionally good material, 
and under Slocum 's instruction soon attained a proficiency in drill 
and discipline that made it one of the crack regiments in the war. 

Leaving the Elmira Barracks, July tenth, the Twenty-seventh 
proceeded to Washington by rail where it was assigned to Hunter's 
Division of McDowell's army. At the battle of First Bull Run 
the regiment distinguished itself by its efficiency in action and its 
steadiness under a severe fire amid scenes of confusion and panic. 
Colonel Slocum attracted favorable attention by the conspicuous 
gallantry with which he handled his regiment in the battle until 
he was carried off the field, suffering from a severe wound. 
Colonel Andrew Porter, who succeeded to the command of the 
division when Hunter was disabled, acknowledges in his official 
report the meritorious services of "Col. H. W. Slocum, who was 
wounded while leading his gallant Twenty-seventh to the charge, 
and Major J. J. Bartlett, who subsequently commanded it, and by 
his enthusiasm and valor kept it in action and out of the panic. ' ' 
Porter states, also, that, "Upon our first position the Twenty- 
seventh was the first to rally, and around it the other regiments 
engaged soon collected their scattered fragments." In this battle 
the Twenty-seventh sustained a loss of 130 killed, wounded, and 
missing. 

The marked efficiency of the regiment in this, the first gen- 
eral engagement of the war, furnished ample evidence of the skill- 
ful training bestowed upon it by its accomplished colonel. The 
Government quickly recognized the military ability of the man 
whose services at Bull Run contrasted so strongly with the incapac- 
ity and ignorance displayed there by many favorites from whom 

69 



fttenrv) TUAarncr Slocum 

great things had been expected, and before Slocum had recovered 
from his wound he was cheered and gratified by the announcement 
of his promotion to the rank of brigadier. 

The following letter, dated July 25, 18G1, written by him to 
Mrs. Slocum while he was lying on his cot in the Washington 
Infirmary, supplies some interesting details of the battle: 

My Dear Clara: 

I attended services at Manassas last Sunday, but before the meeting closed 
I was obliged to depart for this city. For particulars see the New York daily 
papers. 

I am now bolstered up in bed, making my first attempt at writing. I am 
as happy as a clam in high water. My regiment covered itself with glory. It 
was one of the first in, and the last out. Not a man showed the white feather. 
They fought until all their ammunition was expended, and when the stampede 
commenced, General McDowell ordered the officers to form all the regiments 
in line so as to make another stand, or, at least, make an orderly retreat. . . . 
Finally, he gave up the attempt, and we were ordered to retreat. 

After going a few rods the General made another attempt to check the 
utter rout of our troops. He again ordered the regiments to form in line, but 
ours was the only one that could be formed again. The General then cried out 
in aloud voice, "Soldiers, form on that noble regiment! We must make a 
stand." . . . This same attempt was repeated a third time, with the same 
result. A person told me to-day that General McDowell reported all this to 
General Scott, with a high encomium on the regiment. 

All this may appear singular in view of the accounts of the battle given in 
the New York papers, wherein our regiment is not even mentioned. . . . 
But the truth is known in quarters where I desire to have it known. It is 
all right. 

I had almost forgotten to tell you about my wound. It is doing well, 
and pains me but little. I would agree to take another just like it if I 
could thereby secure as good conduct on the part of my regiment when it 
takes the field again. 

His commission as brigadier-general bore rank from August 9, 
1861. He was assigned to the command of a brigade in Franklin's 
Division, composed of the Sixteenth and Twenty-seventh New 
York, Fifth Maine, and Ninety-sixth Pennsylvania, regiments which 
afterwards became famous by reason of their brilliant records. 

But at the start they received some wholesome lessons from the 
disciplinarian who commanded them. For instance, in a letter writ- 
ten home from Alexandria, Va. , October 11, 1861, Slocum says: 

"0 




co 

O 

I 

CO 

i- 

< 

LU 
I 

H 



Menr$ TClarner Slocum 

I have been very fortunate in securing control of my brigade. One day last 
week eighteen officers of the Sixteenth addressed a communication to me rela- 
tive to one of my orders on the subject of depredations on private property. 
They thought it very severe, and " respectfully demanded ' ' its modification. 
I at once placed every one of them in arrest, and confined them to their tents. 
Within a day or two the most humble apologies commenced pouring in, and 
finally every one was released. But it had a wonderful effect. 

In May, 1862, Franklin's Division was ordered to the support of 
McClellan's army, then on the Peninsula in front of Yorktown. 
This stronghold having been evacuated just before Franklin's arrival, 
his troops proceeded up the York River without disembarking and 
landed at West Point or Eltham's Landing, The division engaged 
the enemy here, May seventh, an action in which the conduct of 
General Slocum " was admirable," as described in the official report 
of his superior. Upon the assignment of General Franklin to the 
command of the newly-organized Sixth Corps, Slocum succeeded 
him as general of the division — First Division, Sixth Corps. An 
old story this — the fortunes of war. In 1861 Slocum was vainly 
importuning the governor of his state for a commission as captain 
of artillery. A year later he rode at the head of one of the finest 
divisions in the Army of the Potomac. 

At the battle of Gaines's Mill, June 27, 1862, Slocum was ordered 
to the support of the Fifth Corps, which, under General Fitz John 
Porter, was holding Lee's army at bay while McClellan was with- 
drawing his trains and troops to the James River. Putting his 
three brigades in motion — Taylor's, Bartlett's and Newton's — he 
crossed the Chickahominy and relieved a portion of Porter's hard- 
pressed lines. In this action Slocum lost 2,075 men — over one- 
fourth of the number carried into action — and half of his regimental 
commanders were killed. But by the timely arrival and good fight- 
ing of his troops he contributed materially to the brilliant defense 
made by Porter and the successful withdrawal of his forces to the 
south bank of the river. During the succeeding conflicts of the Seven 
Days battle Slocum's Division participated in the engagements at 
Glendale and Malvern Hill. For the conspicuous services rendered 
by him at Gaines's Mill and in the movement to the James, he was 
promoted major-general. This new commission, dated July 4, 1862, 
was received by him while the army was encamped at Harrison's 
Landing on the James. 

On July tenth he wrote to his family saying: 

71 



IRenn? TWlarner ©locum 

My last letter to you, written two or three days ago, was rather hlue I 
think. I had then been here a day or two, and the reaction from the 
excitement of the previous ten days weighed heavily upon me. I felt weak 
and sick. I now feel better. But I must say that although this army is safe, 
I do not think the prospect of an early and successful termination of the war is 
bright. . . . 

I spoke in my letter of the twenty-sixth of being unwell. I was very weak 
on the twenty-seventh; was taken with a fit of vomiting and was obliged to dis- 
mount for a few minutes. I soon returned to the field, or rather I did not leave 
the field, but went to a place in the shade. 

. . . On Monday I had a position assigned to my division which I was to 
defend. I did it in my own way, and have the satisfaction of knowing that I 
saved hundreds of lives. I tried to save life by carefully posting my troops and 
using my artillery. I have allowed matters connected with our movements here 
to worry me until I came near being sick; but I know I can do no good. 
Things must take their course, and I made up my mind to get a good novel 
and try to forget everything here. 

I feel better to-day than I have in several days. Rest and quiet will soon 
make me all right. I dreamed every night after our arrival of being on the 
march, of losing wagons, artillery, etc. I do not want you to think I have 
been sick, but I got rather worn and nervous. . . . 

When the Army of the Potomac was withdrawn from its posi- 
tion in front of Richmond and sent to the assistance of General 
Pope, Slocum's Division disembarked at Alexandria, Va. , August 
twenty-fourth, and three days later encountered a portion of Jack- 
son's army at Bull Run Bridge. A hot fight ensued, in which 
one of Slocum's brigade commanders, Gen. George W. Taylor, 
was killed. 

But it was on the Maryland campaign, which soon followed, that 
Slocum achieved his greatest success as a division general. On 
Sunday, September 14, 1862, the Sixth Corps, General Franklin, 
found its advance contested by the enemy, strongly posted at 
Crampton's Gap, one of the passes in the South Mountain range. 
The road here ascends steeply through a narrow defile, wooded on 
both sides, and affording advantageous cover and position. The 
Confederates had posted their first line in rear of a stone wall 
at the base of the mountain, and had placed artillery in favorable 
positions on the road and at points on the slopes and summit of the 
mountain. 

General Franklin finding that he could not use artillery with 

7-> 





H 




i,' .p a 



Menn? TRIlarner Slocum 

advantage, determined to carry the position by an infantry assault. 
For this purpose he selected Slocum's Division, the Second Division 
— Smith's — being held in reserve. Franklin says in his report that 
the advance of General Slocum was made with admirable steadiness 
through a well-directed fire from the batteries on the mountain. The 
line of battle formed, a charge was ordered. The men swept for- 
ward with a cheer, over the stone wall, dislodging the enemy and 
pursuing him up the mountain side to the crest of the hill and down 
the opposite slope. This single charge, sustained as it was over a 
great distance and up a rough ascent of unusual steepness, was 
decisive. The Confederates were driven in the utmost confusion, 
and allowed no opportunity to rally until the pass was cleared. 
Slocum was a conspicuous figure in the charge, his soldierly bearing 
and fearless exposure of his person to the enemy's fire winning 
enthusiastic praise from the troops who fought at his side. 

In this affair Slocum captured 400 prisoners from seventeen dif- 
ferent regiments, four stands of colors, 700 small arms, and one piece 
of artillery. The losses in his division amounted to 112 killed, 
400 wounded and 2 missing; total 514. There were, also, 19 casu- 
alties in Smith's Division. 

The forces opposed to Slocum in this battle, commanded by 
Gen. Howell Cobb, consisted of three brigades — Mahone's, 
Semmes's, and Cobb's — two regiments of dismounted cavalry 
under Munford, and the batteries of Chew, Macon, and Manly. 
A part of Semmes's Brigade was not engaged. The Confederate 
losses in this action were not reported in full; but the casualty 
returns, so far as made, showed a much greater loss than that of the 
attacking column. 

Three days later Slocum arrived on the field at Antietam while 
the battle was in progress. His division was not actively engaged 
although it suffered considerable loss. It was held chiefly in reserve 
near the east woods, with orders to attack on the morning of the 
nineteenth; but when the time came to reopen the conflict the 
enemy had fled. 

While the army was encamped at Harpers Ferry, after the bat- 
tle, General Slocum was promoted to the command of the Twelfth 
Corps, to fill the vacancy caused by the death of General Mansfield, 
who was killed at Antietam. This assignment was made October 
15, 1862, a promotion, like the others bestowed upon him, due solely 
to the high order of military ability displayed by him in camp and 

73 



frlcnn? Marncr Slocum 

field on so many occasions. One year before, as already noted, he 
was unable to command enough political influence to secure a com- 
mission as captain of a battery. 

The Twelfth was the smallest corps in the army; but among its 
brigade and regimental commanders were several officers who had 
been educated at West Point or had served in the Regular Army — 
Crawford, Greene, Gordon, Geo. L. Andrews, linger, Ireland, Ross 
and others — while its artillery was officered largely by men with the 
same valuable experience. Gens. Mansfield, Abercrombie, Ilart- 
suff and others had also served previously in the corps, and the men 
had received the benefit of their services. Although the corps had 
but two divisions, — and these did not contain the usual number of 
regiments — it was composed of veteran troops that had achieved 
honorable distinction on the hard fought fields of Kernstown, Win- 
chester, Cedar Mountain, Manassas and Antietam. Under their 
new commander it was their destiny to inscribe other historic names 
upon their flags, to win further renown, and to make a record rival- 
ling that of any corps in the armies of the Nation. 

In the spring of 18G3 the Twelfth Corps was encamped at Staf- 
ford, Va. While here the general wrote a letter to his wife, 
describing some affairs of social intercourse in the army, and con- 
taining, also, a charming allusion to an incident in his early life : 



Headquarters, Twelfth Corps d'Armee, 

April 19, 1863. 



\ 

My Dear Clara : 

I received a beautiful bouquet this morning from Mary. The flowers are 
all from the President's garden. It is beautiful. The flowers are arranged 
according to color in three rows — red, white, and blue — with a fine japonica 
at the apex. I send you two or three samples. 

I thought Mary would remember me. I take back all I have said unless 
she has sent one to all the other generals. 

I do not think I was as happy over this bouquet of rare flowers from the wife 

of the President as I was over a single blue forget-me-not received by me while 

in Albany from a young country girl. 

Yours affectionately, 

H. W. SLOCUM. 

General Hooker, in planning the Chancellorsville campaign, 
arranged a strategic movement by which the right wing of his army, 
composed of three corps, was to flank his antagonist and establish 

74 




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Henr\> \KHarner Slocum 

itself south of the Rappahannock at Chancellorsville, while the rest of 
his army engaged Lee's attention in front of Fredericksburg. He 
intrusted the execution of this important plan to General Slocum, 
whose known ability was a guarantee that it would be successfully 
conducted. 

Pursuant to this plan of operations Slocum was placed in com- 
mand of the Fifth, Eleventh and Twelfth Corps. Breaking camp 
April twenty-seventh, he moved his three corps rapidly and by a 
concealed route. Crossing the Rappahannock at Kelly's Ford and 
the Rapidan at Germanna and Ely's Fords, Slocum placed his 
42,000 men at Chancellorsville by noon of April thirtieth. Were 
it not for the personal instructions received from Hooker just before 
starting he could have carried out the original plan, and, marching 
on Fredericksburg seized Salem Heights and uncovered Banks's 
Ford. Had he been permitted to do this there would have been no 
battle at Chancellorsville. The campaign would have furnished a 
far different story. But Hooker arrived there that evening and took 
charge of affairs, whereupon Slocum resumed command of his corps. 

On the following day Hooker attempted to move his army out of 
the Wilderness, and take position in the open country near Frede- 
ricksburg. But on encountering the opposition of the Confederate 
forces under Jackson, Hooker abandoned the plan and withdrew to 
Chancellorsville. The fruits of Slocum 's flank movement were lost. 

The history of this great battle has been fully written ; it is need- 
less to rehearse the oft told story here. As on other fields Slocum 
displayed military genius of a high order, and his troops made 
another record as a steady, hard fighting corps. 

An incident at this time came under the writer's observation 
which was characteristic of the general's methods in handling troops 
on the field. When Williams's Division was ordered out of its 
breastworks to the support of General Sickles during the reconnois- 
sance made by the latter on the second day, a regiment of Ruger's 
Brigade was delayed at the passage of a small stream. Owing to this 
hindrance it fell considerably behind the rest of the brigade, and its 
colonel, anxious to close up, gave the order to double-quick. The 
regiment moved forward at a rapid pace, the accoutrements and 
cooking utensils carried by the men keeping up a rattling, jingling 
accompaniment. Suddenly the rapid hoofbeats of a horse under 
the spur were heard, and the rider wheeled short in front of the 
column. It was Slocum, and his eyes shone with anger or excite- 

75 



Henrp TWlarner Slocum 

ment. "Colonel, halt your regiment! " he shouted. Then, lean- 
ing over the side of his saddle he said in low, earnest tones : ' ' Colonel, 
you must not take your regiment into action on the run. I don't 
want these men to go into the fight tired and out of breath. Let them 
walk. There is no need of all this hurry." With a severe look he 
regarded the breathless soldiers for a moment, wheeled his horse 
suddenly and was gone. A trifling incident, perhaps; but it illus- 
trates the personal attention which Slocum gave to details when 
putting his troops in action. 

On the march to Gettysburg the Twelfth Corps arrived June 
twenty-seventh, at Knoxville, Md., within a short march of 
Williamsport, the place where Lee's army had crossed the Potomac 
a few days before. On that day General Hooker sent a letter to 
Slocum with instructions to hold the Twelfth Corps in readiness to 
march at a moment's notice to Williamsport. Hooker stated further, 
that the intention was to place the troops at Harpers Ferry, 10,000 
or more, under Slocum's command, and throw this force and the 
Twelfth Corps on General Lee's line of communication ; and that, 
in the meantime, he would concentrate the other corps of his army 
within supporting distance. Had the request of General Hooker to 
use the garrison at Harpers Ferry been granted, that force, together 
with the Twelfth Corps, would on the twenty-eighth of June have 
been on the line of Lee's communications, with ample time to intrench. 
Slocum was confident that he could have held that position until 
Hooker was able to bring up the other corps to his assistance. 

But General Halleck refused this very proper request for the use 
of the idle troops at Harpers Ferry. Hooker, seeing in this sense- 
less denial that he could no longer depend on the support of the 
commander-in-chief, sent a telegram promptly to Washington asking 
to be relieved. The movement on Williamsport was abandoned ; 
but in this proposed movement we find further evidence of the con- 
fidence in Slocum's ability to exercise a separate and important 
command. 

At Gettysburg, the greatest battle of the war, General Slocum 
occupied a prominent position by reason of the important duties 
assigned him by the general commanding. As the senior general in 
the Army of the Potomac he was in command of the Right Wing. 

The Twelfth Corps was encamped on the morning of July first 
at a point within one mile of Littlestown, on the Hanover road, 
where it had bivouacked the previous night. It was twelve miles 

76 



Henrp TKHarner Slocum 

from that part of the battlefield, west of Gettysburg, on which the 
fighting of the first day occurred. On that morning the corps, in 
accordance with instructions from General Meade, moved to Two 
Taverns to await further instructions there. This place is five miles 
southeast of Gettysburg. About one o'clock, while the troops were 
resting in the fields along the highway, a citizen came down the road 
from Gettysburg and reported that a battle was being fought there. 
General Slocum immediately sent Major Guindon, of his staff, 
with an escort of mounted orderlies, to ascertain the truth of the 
story. 

The report of this citizen was the first intimation Slocum received 
that there was any fighting " at the place called Gettysburg." He 
had heard no cannonading, for the wind that day was blowing to 
the north.* The distant sound of artillery was noticed, however, by 
some who were at the head of the column or in quiet places on high 
ground ; but it attracted little attention from the veterans, who were 
accustomed to regard such sounds as among the usual preliminaries 
on a campaign. The citizen's story was confirmed soon after by a 
dispatch from General Howard. On hearing the important news 
Slocum promptly issued a command for the corps to push forward 
without delay, although he had received instructions from General 
Meade that day to proceed to Two Taverns only, his orders stating 
further that if the enemy assumed the offensive t he was to withdraw 

* The same acoustic phenomenon occurred on the next day when the Sixth Corps traversed 
this road. Serg. A. T. Brewer, in his oration at the dedication of the Sixty-first Pennsylvania 
monument, says: "Miles ahead, on the side of the mountain which had long been in sight, shells 
were seen bursting high in the air, with red, angry flashes. Soon, smoke was observed curling 
along above the trees and floating away to the north, and yet up to this time not a cannon had 
been heard. Directly the familiar roar of battle began to be heard indistinctly." (Pennsylvania 
at Gettysburg, Vol. I, p. 350.) 

t Circular.] Headquarters Army of The Potomac, » 

Tanevtown, July 1, 1863. ) 

From information received, the commanding general is satisfied that the object of the move- 
ment of the army in this direction has been accomplished, viz, the relief of Harrisburg, and the 
prevention of the enemy's intended invasion of Philadelphia, &c, beyond the Susquehanna. 
It is no longer his intention to assume the offensive until the enemy's movements or position 
should render such an operation certain of success. 

If the enemy assume the offensive, and attack, it is his intention, after holding them in check 
sufficiently long, to withdraw the trains and other impedimenta; to withdraw the army from its 
present position, and form line of battle with the left resting in the neighborhood of Middle- 
burg, and the right at Manchester, the general direction being that of Pipe Creek. For this 
purpose, General Reynolds, in command of the left, will withdraw the force at present at 
Gettysburg, two corps by the road to Taneytown and Westminster, and, after crossing Pipe 
Creek, deploy toward Middleburg. The corps at Krarni tsbtirg will be withdrawn, via Mechanics- 

77 



Hcnrs WHarner Slocum 

Li> ;i specified line of battle on Pipe Creek. Hut Slocum exercised 

the discretion allowable in such cases, and, instead of withdrawing, 

hastened with his corps to Gettysburg. 

While on the road to the front, the troops hurrying forward at 

their utmost speed, Slocum met his staff officer, who was returning. 

Major Guindon confirmed the citizen's story and informed Slocum 

that he had met Generals Hancock and Howard, both of whom 

sent an urgent request that the Twelfth Corps push forward as fast 

as possible. Before reaching Rock Creek General Slocum sent the 

following dispatch : 

July 1, 1863 — 3:35 p. m. 

General Hancock or General Howard : 

I am moving the Twelfth Corps so as to come in about one mile to the 

right of Gettysburg. 

H. W. SLOCUM, 

Major- General. 

Williams's Division, arriving at Rock Creek, turned off to the 
right, and moved against Wolf Hill, with the intention of flanking 
the enemy's left. But on learning that the Union army had 
retreated to the east side of the town, Slocum ordered Williams 
back to the Baltimore Pike, and, going to Cemetery Hill himself, 
assumed command of the field by right of seniority. Geary's Divi- 
sion, arriving previously, while the troops were falling back through 
the town, was ordered by General Hancock to take a position on 
Little Round Top. 

In one of the earlier histories of this battle a writer says that 
Slocum was dilatory in coming on the field. The gross misrepre- 
sentation of certain facts and evident ignorance of other important 

ville, to Middleburg, or, if a more direct route can be found leaving Taneytown to their left, to 
withdraw direct to Middleburg. 

General Slocum will assume command of the two corps at Hanover and Two Taverns, and 
withdraw them, via Union Mills, deploying one to the right and one to the left, after crossing 
Pipe Creek, connecting on the left with General Reynolds, and communicating his right to Gen- 
eral Sedgwick at Manchester, who will connect with him and form the right. 

The time for falling back can only be developed by circumstances. Whenever such circum- 
stances arise as would seem to indicate the necessity for falling back and assuming this general 
line indicated, notice of such movement will be at once communicated to these headquarters 
and to all adjoining corps commanders. 

By command of Major-General Meade : 

S. WILLIAMS, 

Assistant Adjutant-General. 
[Official Records, Vol. XXVII, Part III, p. 458.] 
78 



Menr£ TKHarncr Slocum 

ones would require no mention here were it not that this story, at 
one time, was accepted and repeated to some extent. In his desire 
to make out a case he says of the short halt of the Twelfth Corps at 
Two Taverns, " But here the corps remained idle during the whole 
day. " Now Geary's Division, which had the lead that day, arrived 
at Two Taverns at eleven a. m. General Geary says so in his official 
report; and, furthermore, that at two p. m. , his division "advanced 
rapidly on the road " to Gettysburg. 

This writer says further: " It appears that Slocum did finally 
move on his own responsibility, but not until the fighting was over. " 
But the main battle of the first day at Gettysburg did not begin 
until two p. m. , at which time, as officially stated by Geary, the 
Twelfth Corps had left Two Taverns and was marching rapidly to 
the field. 

It is well to remember, also, in connection with this matter that 
there were two distinct engagements at Gettysburg on that day. 
The first collision of infantry occurred between two brigades of 
Wadsworth's Division and two Confederate brigades of Heth's 
Division, about ten-fifteen a. m., before the Twelfth Corps had 
reached Two Taverns. Then all was quiet, except some occasional 
firing of artillery, for three hours. The second, or main battle of 
the day, commenced at two p. m. , or thereabouts. Neither the 
Eleventh Corps — Howard 's — nor Ewell's Confederate Corps arrived 
on the field until one-thirty p. M., or after; and their arrival should 
not be timed by the appearance of the leading regiment. The care- 
ful student of the movements that day, as told in the official records, 
will award great credit to General Slocum for the promptness with 
which he moved the Twelfth Corps to Gettysburg as soon as he 
heard of the fighting, although he had in his pocket an order from 
Meade to halt at Two Taverns, await further instructions there, and 
to fall back to Pipe Creek if the enemy assumed the offensive. 

General Meade arrived on the battlefield before daybreak on the 
morning of July second, the second day of the battle. Addressing 
himself immediately to the situation he planned an attack, to be 
made by his right wing against the enemy's left. For this purpose 
he placed the Fifth and Twelfth Corps under command of General 
Slocum, with the Sixth Corps as a supporting column. The latter 
was expected to arrive at Gettysburg in time for this proposed move- 
ment. But General Slocum, however much he might have been 
pleased by such recognition of his military ability, did not allow any 

79 



Mcnrs TRUarncr Slocum 

feeling of pride in this flattering selection of himself to interfere with 
his judgment in the matter. After carefully reconnoitering the posi- 
tion of the enemy in his front and the topographical difficulties pre- 
sented by the intervening ground, he reported to General Meade 
that the proposed attack was not practicable. General Warren, 
chief engineer on Meade's staff, concurred in this opinion. The 
attack was abandoned, and these troops were saved from what, in 
all probability, would have been a defeat, with a terrible loss of life. 
The plan afforded Slocum a tempting opportunity to distinguish 
himself; but he possessed moral as well as physical courage. 

On the afternoon of this day General Sickles, with the Third 
Corps, held a position on Meade's extreme left. General Long- 
street, of the Confederate army, by a well-executed flank movement 
through the woods tried to repeat the success attained at Chancellors- 
ville by a similar manoeuver, and fell upon the Third Corps in over- 
whelming numbers. Sickles held his ground stoutly for a long time, 
but was obliged to call for reinforcements to save his imperiled left. 
Meade hurried his reserves, the Fifth and Sixth Corps, to that portion 
of the field. In addition he stripped his front in places, and sent 
these additional brigades there also. He soon had more troops 
massed on his left than he could put in action; nevertheless, he 
ordered Slocum to move the Twelfth Corps to the left also. 

At this time the Twelfth Corps was lying in its breastworks on 
Culp's Hill, where it held the right of the Union line. Its artillery 
had just been engaged in a general, prolonged cannonade with the 
Confederate batteries on Benner's Hill, the heights on the opposite 
side of Rock Creek, and the skirmishers of Greene's Brigade at the 
foot of Culp's Hill were observing the enemy, who was then form- 
ing in their front across the creek. The strong Confederate lines 
which Slocum and Warren had observed that morning in their front 
were still in position, and an attack was momentarily expected. 

When Slocum received the order to abandon Culp's Hill he 
informed Meade that he had just received word from both Williams 
and Geary, his division generals, that the enemy was in their front 
in strong force. He urgently requested that a division be left to 
guard the line held by the Twelfth Corps, but General Meade 
would consent to leave but a brigade to defend the position.* 

Slocum's insistence that some troops should be left to hold Culp's 

* See address of General Slocum at the reunion of Greene's Brigade at Gettysburg. July 3, 
1893. [New York at Gettysburg, Vol. I, p. 258. Albany: J. B. Lyon Company. 1900.J 
80 



Menn? Wlarner Slocum 

Hill was extremely fortunate. Had he not done so Meade's army 
would soon have been overwhelmed in an irretrievable disaster. As 
the Twelfth Corps was riling out of its breastworks to go to the left, 
three miles away, Johnson's Division of Ewell's Corps was forming 
in the woods on the opposite side of Rock Creek to assault these 
same works. 

Greene attempted to occupy the vacant position by extending 
his own line to the right, one man deep, with intervals between, 
but before he could complete this movement the assaulting columns 
drove in his skirmishers and swarmed up the hill to the attack. 
Greene promptly refused his right regiment, while the rest of the 
brigade from its intrenched position delivered a fire that repulsed 
the repeated assaults of the Confederate veterans. The remainder 
of the line of vacated breastworks was occupied by a portion of 
Johnson's troops without opposition. There was nothing to prevent 
them from marching straight ahead through the woods to the Balti- 
more Pike, about four hundred yards distant, where they would 
have been in the rear of the Union army, menacing its supply trains 
and reserve artillery, and on its proper line of retreat. A short dis- 
tance further and they could, without hindrance, have seized Meade's 
headquarters also. But the attack was not made until sunset, and 
nightfall soon added to the gloom of the forest that covered the hill 
from its base to the breastworks along its crest, where the blazing 
lines of musketry marked the position of the combatants. Johnson 
was unaware of the opportunity which awaited him; the darkness 
concealed the advantages before him, and his right brigades had 
suffered a costly repulse. He decided to wait for daylight before 
attempting any further advance. 

Johnson was heavily reinforced during the night, but when morn- 
ing came his opportunity was gone. At midnight the Twelfth Corps 
returned, and, finding their breastworks occupied, went into position 
covering the line of the Baltimore Pike. Slocum gave orders to 
attack at daybreak, and in a few hours, after some of the most bril- 
liant fighting in the Avar, the Twelfth Corps recaptured their works 
and drove Johnson's forces across Rock Creek. The Union right 
was secure again. 

General Howard, one of the corps commanders at Gettysburg, 
pays the following tribute to Slocum's generalship on this field : 

The most impressive incident of that great battle to me was General Slo- 
cum's own battle. I was awakened from my Cemetery bed the morning of July 
6 81 



Mcnn> THHarner Slocum 

3, 1863, at five o'clock, by the startling roar of Slocum's guns. For five 
anxious hours, with A. S. Williams manoeuvering his Twelfth Corps, Slocum, 
having also some of the Sixth Corps and many batteries, commanded the field. 
That dreadful struggle to our right went on till Ewell, with Johnson's large 
division, reenforccd with brigades from llodes's and Early's divisions, was forced 
to give up and abandon his prize of the night before. That prize was our 
intrenched line within a stone's throw of the Baltimore Pike, and included the 
trains for our immediate supply. Slocum 's resolute insistence upon leaving 
General Greene and his brigade, when General Meade directed that the whole 
Twelfth Corps be sent to his left, — this insistence, followed by Greene's mar- 
velous night battle, and Slocum's organized work and engagement of the ensu- 
ing early morning, in my judgment, saved the battle of Gettysburg.* 

At the close of the fighting on the second day, General Meade 
called his corps commanders together for a council of war. The 
following written questions were submitted to the generals, an 
answer being expected from each : 

1. Under existing circumstances, is it advisable for this army to remain in 
its present position, or to retire to another nearer its base of supplies ? 

2. It being determined to remain in present position, shall the army attack 
or wait the attack of the enemy ? 

3. If we wait attack, how long ? 

In accordance with military usage the junior officers were required 
to express their opinion first. Some of the replies were lengthy and 
there was considerable discussion. Slocum being the senior corps 
commander was called upon last. His answer was short and curt : 
"Stay and fight it out." He regarded the council as wholly 
unnecessary at that stage of affairs, and believed that the question of 
retreat, embodied in the first proposition, should never have been 
raised. On hearing Slocum's answer the council ended quickly, and 
the generals returned to their quarters. The army stayed and fought 
it out. 

A week later the victorious forces halted in front of Lee's 
intrenchments at Williamsport where the Confederate chief was 
waiting for the swollen waters of the Potomac to subside and place 
his retreating army in safety on the Virginia side. After three days 
of inaction in the face of the enemy General Meade called another 
council of war. But the pet phrase of historians — A council of 
war never fights — received another confirmation. No attack was 
made, and the Army of Virginia recrossed the river unmolested. 

* Address at the memorial service, Plymouth Church, Brooklyn, April 29, 189-t. 
83 



Henn? THUarner Slocum 

The following letter written by General Slocum, is not without 
interest in this connection : 

Headquarters Twelfth Corps, ) 
Army of the Cumberland, > 

Tullahoma, Tenn., January 2d, 1864. ) 
My Dear Sir: 

I presume you have read Meade's Report of the battle of Gettysburg. I 
can imagine the feeling that its perusal has caused you. I have not met a sen- 
sible man who has read it, either soldier or civilian, who has not felt disappointed 
on reading it. It purports to be the official history of the most important 
contest of modern times — a contest in which our troops fought with a valor 
and determination never before exhibited — and the only evidence in the entire 
report which tends to prove this heroism is contained in the closing sentence, 
" our losses were very severe, amounting to 23,186. " Your disappointment 
must have been greater from the fact that the true history of the operations on 
the right had already been made known to you by me, and Meade's report is a 
plain contradiction of almost every statement I have ever written to you. It is 
in direct conflict with my official report, and the reports of all my subordinate 
commanders. My first impulse on reading his report was to ask for a court 
of inquiry. I was prompted to this course not so much from personal consider- 
ation, as from a desire to have justice done to General Williams and his division. 

Although Meade professed the warmest friendship for me, and the utmost 
confidence in me, not only during the entire battle, but at all times subsequent 
to it while I remained in his army, yet in his report he utterly ignores me. 
That he did repose this confidence in me, and that he placed the right wing 
entirely under my control, I have abundant written evidence now in my posses- 
sion. In proof of this I enclose a copy of an order sent me during the battle, 
showing that he had sent part of Sedgwick's corps to me, and that without 
visiting me or my portion of the line, he wished me to place it in a central 
position where he could use it as soon as I could spare it. I also enclose a copy 
of an order received at ten-twenty a. m., on July second, directing me to move 
from the strong position we then held, and with the Fifth and Twelfth Corps, 
then under my command, and the Sixth, which was hourly expected, to attack 
the enemy. The latter order was not obeyed because every general officer con- 
sulted on the subject deemed it unwise to leave the almost impregnable position 
we then held. 

I send you copies of these orders to convince you that although my name is 
not mentioned in the report, yet I really occupied the position and had the 
commands mentioned in my former letters. At no time was I in command of 
less than two corps during the entire campaign, and during all the battle the 
right wing was entrusted entirely to me — a position to which my rank entitled 
me. Williams commanded the Twelfth Corps, and was at all times during the 

83 



Menrp TSUarncr Slocum 

battle treated as a corps commander by Meade. He was invited by bim to tbe 
council with other corps commanders, and yet no mention is made of this fact 
in tbe report. Nor is Williams's name or that of bis division to be found in it. 

I finally gave up the idea of asking for a court of inquiry, knowing that the 
interests of the service could not be promoted by such a course. I wrote a letter 
to Meade, however, asking him to correct his report, a copy of which I enclose. 

There is much secret history connected with the Gettysburg campaign which 
will some day be made public. The proceedings of a secret council of the corps 
commanders held the night before the enemy crossed the river was at once 
divulged, and the remarks of Meade, Warren and Pleasanton published to the 
world in full. It was for the interest of Meade that this publication should be 
made; and there is no doubt that publicity was given to it with his consent, if 
not through his direct instrumentality. There were other councils, however, 
the proceedings of which were not made public and which never will be published 
with the consent of Meade. 

On the evening of July second a council was called, and each corps com- 
mander was asked his opinion as to the propriety of falling back towards Wash- 
ington that night. The majority opposed it, and after the vote was taken 
Meade declared that ' ' Gettysburg was no place to risk a battle ;' ' and there is 
no doubt but for the decision of his corps commanders, the army on the third 
of July would have been in full retreat. The 4th of July, 1863, instead of 
being a day of rejoicing throughout the North, would have been the darkest 
day ever known to our country. This piece of history can be verified by the 
records of that council kept by Butterfield, and cannot have been forgotten 
by any officer present. 

On the fourth of July nearly every corps commander urged an immediate 
movement, but my corps was kept three days in idleness. In the meantime the 
enemy reached Hagerstown, took up his new line, and had abundant time to 
fortify. At the council held on the thirteenth of July, by which "Meade was 
overruled," the following question was proposed to each officer, viz. : " Shall we, 
without further knowledge of the position of the enemy, make an attack?' 1 

Previous to putting the question, Meade answered that be could get no 
knowledge of the position of the enemy. This announcement, together with 
the peculiar phraseology of the question, indicated the dec' ion the commanding 
general anticipated. He offered no remarks until a vote was taken, and the 
question answered in the negative. He then made some general remarks about 
"the necessity of doing something, ' 1 which was approved by all. Having 
"placed himself right on record, 1 ' as the politicians would say, he retired. 
This record he at once used to sustain himself at the expense of his brother offi- 
cers, although the action of these officers was precisely what he desired and 
anticipated it would be when he framed the question. 

You may think this a hard charge to bring against a soldier, but I believe 
84 



Menrs Marner Slocum 

I am fully justified in making it. There are circumstances which I will make 
known to you when we meet which will convince you that I have not done him 
injustice. 

As long as this war continues I shall pursue the course I have thus far fol- 
lowed. I shall ask for no court, enter into no controversy, write no letters. 
But when the danger has passed from us many facts will come to light, giving 
to the public a better knowledge of the real history of this war than can be 
obtained through the medium of such reports as that written by General Meade. 

Very respectfully, 

Your Obt. Servant, 
Hon. L. H. Morgan, H. W. SLOCUM. 

Syracuse, N. Y. 

Mention is made in this letter of a communication which Slocum 
addressed to General Meade, asking the latter to correct that portion 
of his report on the battle of Gettysburg relating to the services of 
the Twelfth Corps. A copy of this request will be found in the 
Official Records of the War, Volume XXVII, Part I, page 763. 
It reads thus: 

Hdo*rs. Twelfth Corps, Army of the Cumberland, ) 

Tullahoma, Tenn. , December 30, 1863. ; 
Maj.-Gen. George G. Meade, 

Commanding Army of the Potomac : 
General : 

I enclose herewith the report of General T. H. Ruger of operations of the 
First Division, Twelfth Corps, at the battle of Gettysburg, together with the 
reports of his brigade and regimental commanders. General Ruger, with a 
large portion of his division, was ordered to New York city soon after the bat- 
tle, and immediately after his return from New York the corps was ordered to 
this department. The reports of General Williams and myself were delayed 
with the hope of receiving General Ruger's report in time to forward it with 
them. 

I deeply regret the necessity which compelled me to send my report and that 
of General Williams unaccompanied by any report of the operations of the 
First Division, for although an account of the operations of this division was 
given in the report of General Williams, who commanded the corps during the 
battle, I think the absence of Ruger's report may account for some of the 
errors contained in your report as to the operations of the Twelfth Corps. 

I enclose a letter from General Williams, calling my attention to these 
errors, to which I respectfully invite your attention, and if anything can be 
done at this late day to correct these errors I trust you will do it. Your report 

85 



Wenr£ Marner ©locum 

is the oflicial history of that important battle, and to this report reference will 
always be made by our Government, our people, and the historian, as the most 
reliable and accurate account of the service performed by each corps, division, 
and brigade of your army. If you have inadvertently given to one division the 
credit of having performed some meritorious service which was in reality per- 
formed by another division, you do an injustice to brave men and defraud them 
of well-earned laurels. It is an injustice which even time cannot correct. That 
errors of this nature exist in your official report is an indisputable fact. 

You give great credit to Lockwood's brigade for services on the evening of 
July second, but state that this brigade was a portion of the First Corps, while 
it never at any time belonged to that corps, but was a portion of the Twelfth 
Corps, and was accompanied in its operations on the evening of July second by 
General Williams in person. A portion of this brigade (the One Hundred and 
Fiftieth New York) is still in General Williams's division. 

I copy the following statement from your report : 

' ' During the heavy assault on our left portions of the Twelfth Corps were 
sent as re-enforcements. During their absence the line on the extreme right 
was held by a very much reduced force. This was taken advantage of by the 
enemy, who, during the absence of General Geary's division of the Twelfth 
Corps, advanced and occupied part of the line. On the morning of the third, 
General Geary, having returned during the night, attacked at early dawn the 
enemy, and succeeded in driving him back and reoccupying his former position. 
A spirited contest was maintained all the morning along this part of the line. 
General Geary, re-enforced by Wheaton's brigade of the Sixth Corps, main- 
tained his position, and inflicted severe losses on the enemy.' 1 

From this statement it would appear that Geary's division marched to the 

support of your left; that Williams's division did not; that his (Williams's) 

division, or a portion of it, was guarding the intrenchments when the enemy 

gained possession ; that General Geary returned, and with his division drove the 

enemy back ; that the engagement on the following morning was fought by 

Geary's division assisted by Wheaton's brigade. This I know is the inference 

drawn from your history of those operations by every person unacquainted with 

the truth. Yet the facts in the case are very nearly the reverse of the above in 

every particular, and directly in contradiction to the facts as set forth in the 

report of General Geary, as well as that of General Williams. Geary's division 

did not march even in the direction of your left. Two of his brigades, under 

his immediate command, left the intrenchments under orders to move to the 

support of your left, but through some unfortunate mistake he took the road 

leading to Two Taverns. Williams's entire division did move to the support 

of your left, and it was one of his brigades (Lockwood's), under his immediate 

command, which you commend, but very singularly accredit to the First Corps. 
86 



Menrs TBWarner Slocum 

Greene's brigade, of the Second Division, remained in the intrenchments, 
and the failure of the enemy to gain entire possession of our works was due 
entirely to the skill of General Greene, and the heroic valor of his troops. His 
brigade suffered severely, but maintained its position, and held the enemy in 
check until the return of Williams's division. The " spirited contest maintained 
by General Geary, re-enforced by Wheat on's brigade," was a contest for regain- 
ing the portion of our intrenchments held by the enemy, and was conducted 
under the immediate command of General Williams, and was participated in by 
the entire Twelfth Corps, re-enforced not by Wheaton's but by Shaler's brigade. 

Although the command of the Twelfth Corps was given temporarily to 
General Williams by your order, and although you directed him to meet at 
the council with other corps commanders, you fail to mention his name in your 
entire report, and in no place allude to his having any such command, or to the 
fact that more than one corps was at any time placed under my command, 
although at no time after you assumed command of the army until the close of 
this battle was I in command of less than two corps. I have now in my pos- 
session your written orders, dated July second, directing me to assume command 
of the Sixth Corps, and, with that corps and the two then under my command 
(the Fifth and Twelfth), to move forward and at once attack the enemy. 

I allude to this fact for the purpose of refreshing your memory on a subject 
which you had apparently entirely forgotten when you penned your report ; for 
you have not failed to notice the fact of General Schurz and others having held, 
even for a few hours, commands above that previously held by them. I sincerely 
trust that you will endeavor to correct as far as possible the errors above 
mentioned, and that the correction may be recorded at the War Department. 

I am, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

H. W. SLOCUM, 

Major-General of Volunteers, Commanding. 

In compliance with this request General Meade sent a communi- 
cation to the War Department, February 25, 1864, making the 
necessary corrections and additions to his report. In a letter to 
Slocum, same date, Meade takes exception to some of the former's 
strictures, but, nevertheless, he made each alteration and correction, 
and amended his report on file in every particular as requested. 

The Gettysburg campaign having ended, the Army of the Poto- 
mac returned to Virginia and slowly followed the Confederate 
columns to the Rappahannock, where both armies confronted each 
other for several weeks from either bank of the river. While here 
General Meade was called to Washington, August thirteenth, and 
was absent from the front for a few days. During this time, at the 

87 



Mcnn? TKIlarner Slocum 

request of the general commanding, Slocum occupied Meade's 
headquarters, where by virtue of his seniority in rank he was tem- 
porarily in command of the army, although nothing occurred that 
required him to exercise the duties of that position. 

Mention has been made of the rigid discipline maintained by 
Slocum in whatever body of troops was placed under him, whether 
regiment, brigade, division or corps. Yet, withal, he had a kindly 
nature which often tempered the severity of his judgment. While 
the Twelfth Corps was encamped along the Rappahannock in 1863, 
a young field officer who had received a furlough when wounded 
returned to the front. In accordance with the army regulations he 
reported at corps headquarters immediately on his arrival, and hand- 
ing his papers to Colonel Rodgers, the adjutant-general, acknowledged 
that he had overstayed his leave of absence. Rodgers looked grave, 
shook his head doubtfully, and said it was a matter for the General. 
Slocum entering the room just then, his attention was called to it. 
After talking in low tones with Rodgers he turned to the delinquent 
and asked him what excuse he had for such a breach of discipline. 
The young fellow knew enough to look the general squarely in the 
face and say, " I have no excuse ; I was having a good time in Wash- 
ington, and hated to leave." Slocum tried to frown, but as he 
looked at the youthful culprit, who in appearance was hardly more 
than a smooth-faced slender boy, the general's face relaxed, and with 
something very like a smile he said to Rodgers, " Colonel, we can't 
afford to be too hard on these boys." Then turning to the young 
officer, who was uneasily fingering the gilt acorn on his hat cord, he 
said, " I am afraid you are a bad lot, but I will excuse you this time. 
Report to your regiment!" adding in a sharper tone as the lad was 
hurrying to the door, "Major, you understand, this mustn't happen 
again." "O certainly not, certainly not," was the fervent reply. 
That fellow went to his quarters walking on air, so happy was he. 
Then, opening his haversack, he took out a flask of choice commis- 
sary he had brought from Washington, and hastened away to pro- 
pitiate his colonel. 

Although General Slocum was always approachable and affable 
in his intercourse with subordinates he would not brook any undue 
familiarity on their part. He invariably maintained the dignified 
reserve which, in his opinion, befitted the position held by him as 
commander of a corps, and, as in the latter part of the war, a sepa- 

88 



Henr\> TCHarner Slocum 

rate army. Chaplain Jordan, in his history of the Tenth Maine, 
tells this story : 

About the middle of September the battalion broke camp and moved 
to the Rapidan River, near Raccoon Ford. While on this march an incident 
occurred which afforded much merriment for the officers and men attached 
to headquarters. General Slocum and staff had halted at a certain spot 

for lunch, when Lieut. , of the th U. S. Artillery, slightly 

intoxicated, rode up to Gen. Slocum, dismounted, threw his arms about the 
general's neck and exclaimed, "O! Sloky! You're a hunky boy!" Such 
a breach of military discipline might not have been very remarkable in 
some of the armies, but was an almost unheard of affair in the Army of 
the Potomac. It is needless to say that it was promptly punished by 
keeping the offending officer in arrest until he amply apologized. The 
Lieutenant furnished the battalion with a phrase which the men delighted 
to repeat, not so much for the fun of the thing as for the completeness 
with which it expressed their feelings towards the general.* 

One of the most important events affecting General Slocum's 
military career occurred while the army was encamped along the 
Upper Rappahannock, in the fall of 1863. Owing to the prolonged 
inactivity and superior strength of the Army of the Potomac at this 
time the War Department ordered two corps sent to the assistance 
of the Army of the Cumberland at Chattanooga. The Eleventh 
and Twelfth were designated for that purpose. General Hooker 
was placed in command of the two corps. 

But in this arrangement the feelings of the two corps com- 
manders had not been taken into consideration. Slocum promptly 
refused to serve under Hooker, and in a letter to President Lincoln, 
September 25, 1863, he tendered his resignation. Mr. Lincoln 
realized that the country could not afford to lose the services 
of men like Slocum at this time, and refused to accept it. A 
satisfactory arrangement was made, however, under which it was 
agreed that if the general would accompany his corps to Tennessee 
he would not be required to serve under Hooker, and that he would 
be assigned to some other equally important command at the first 
opportunity. 

[* History of the Tenth Maine Battalion. By Rev. Leonard G. Jordan. Portland: Stephen 
Berry. 1871.] 

89 



iHenr\> TRUarncr Slocum 

During the long journey to the Southwest Slocum gave personal 
attention to the comfort of his troops, doing everything in his power 
to secure comfortable accommodations and lessen the fatigue. When 
the soldiers left the cars to cross the Ohio River the general was 
greeted by the Twenty-seventh Indiana with a round of cheers. In 
response he complimented the regiment on its orderly behavior, and 
said, "How are the Twenty-seventh boys standing the trip?" 
Among the many replies an unabashed Hoosier shouted, " We would 
feel better about passing through Indiana if we had some money." 
" Haven't you been paid off?" the general enquired with evident 
surprise and interest. " No, no!" the men replied. " Well, now," 
he continued, " I will see to that." He did so. That evening the 
train carrying the Twenty-seventh was standing on a siding to allow 
an express to go by. As the express dashed past a letter was thrown 
off addressed to Colonel Colgrove informing him that a paymaster 
was aboard who would pay the regiment at Zanesville. Arriving 
there the men found him waiting for the regiment, and all through 
the night, by the dim light of the soldiers' candles, the paymaster 
went from car to car until the last Indianian had received his little 
sheaf of greenbacks. The general was thoughtful enough, also, to 
arrange the movement of his troops so that the Twenty-seventh 
could remain a day at Indianapolis, in order to meet the relatives 
and friends who had been notified by personal telegrams from the 
soldiers that they were coming. 

General Slocum was always in sympathy with the private 
soldier; his experience in civil life had brought him in touch 
with the plain people and their ideas. No general of high 
rank understood better than he the character of the American 
soldier, his ideas and peculiarities. For this reason a man in 
private's uniform could always approach him, if done in a proper 
manner. 

On this same trip through the West a young soldier of the 
Twenty-seventh Indiana, who chanced to see the general at a time 
when he seemed to be at leisure, saluted him and respectfully asked 
a hearing. The soldier stated that the train would soon pass through 
the town where his father resided ; that he had not been home nor 
absent from his regiment a single day since he enlisted, two years 
or more before. He asked the general for permission to stop and 
see his people for one day. Slocum's sympathy was awakened, and 

90 



Henrs Warner Slocum 

he replied, in substance: "Soldier, 1 am very sorry, but I cannot 
give anyone a furlough at a time like this. Still, if I had served in 
your regiment over two years without being home once, or absent 
from duty a single day, and was passing through my own home town, 
I would certainly stop for just a little while on my own responsibility. 
And, I will say this much, if you conclude to do so, and should get 
into trouble over it, I will do all I can to help you out." * No 
wonder the veterans in his corps regarded their general with affection 
as well as pride. Slocum, in all essentials was the strictest of the 
strict ; in non-essentials he was ever willing to exercise whatever lati- 
tude the circumstances would permit. 

On arriving in Tennessee, General Hooker, with the Eleventh 
Corps, proceeded to the front, at Chattanooga, where he was joined, 
a few weeks later, by Geary's Division of the Twelfth Corps. To 
Williams's Division of the Twelfth Corps was assigned the duty of 
protecting the railway communication between Nashville and Ste- 
venson. The regiments belonging to this command were encamped 
at various points along the railroad for a period of over six months, 
and so were not engaged in the fighting done by Hooker's command 
at the battles near Chattanooga. 

In accordance with the arrangement granted him by the War 
Department before leaving Virginia, General Slocum made his head- 
quarters at Tullahoma, Tenn., where General Williams was sta- 
tioned. Although still in command of his corps and present with a 
portion of it, the circumstances did not require him to take orders 
from General Hooker. 

But in April, 1864, the situation was simplified by the consolida- 
tion of the Eleventh and Twelfth Corps, forming a new corps, des- 
ignated the Twentieth, which was placed under General Hooker. 
General Slocum was assigned to the command of the District of 
Vicksburg. On April 9, 1864, he issued a general order containing 
a farewell to his old corps, and then, taking his staff with him, estab- 
lished his headquarters at Vicksburg, Miss. 

The position thus assigned to General Slocum was befitting his 
rank and record. As a military command it was an important one, 
for it embraced bodies of troops outnumbering those of an ordinary 
army corps. Furthermore, as it included a territory wrested from the 

• History of the Twenty-seventh Indiana Volunteers. By E. R. Brown. 

91 



Menn? Earner Slocum 

enemy, it imposed duties of a grave responsibility in the manage- 
ment of a disaffected people and the adjustment of the various civil 
questions incident to such a condition. The Government had 
selected him for this trying position, relying on his superior judg- 
ment and administrative ability, which, as well as his brilliant record 
in the field, had won for him the confidence of the War Department. 

But, in the exercise of his authority, Slocum had to contend with 
complications and annoyances that were extremely distasteful to 
him as a soldier. There were other generals at this time on the 
Mississippi who held territorial commands, and Slocum was annoyed 
repeatedly by orders from these officers, all of them juniors in rank, 
instructing him to detach large bodies of troops for purposes regard- 
ing which he had little or no knowledge. But he stood stoutly on 
his rights and refused these requests, especially as they would have 
crippled his own command and prevented him from sending the 
expeditions into the enemy's country which he had been com- 
manded to make. 

General Sherman, also, misled by false information, wrote Slocum 
in regard to a certain matter, notifying him that if it was not attended 
to "you need not expect military favors from General Grant or 
myself." But Slocum was the last man to shape his line of action 
by expected favors, and in his answer to Sherman said : ' ' Without 
any particular desire to secure favors from yourself or any other per- 
son, I shall continue faithful in the discharge of my duty, which, I 
think, you readily perceive a very disagreeable and difficult one 
when you compare the different orders issued to me by General 
Canby with those issued by yourself." Sherman, finding that his 
source of information, "the Atlanta paper of the 25th "' was not 
to be relied on, wrote Slocum an explanatory and somewhat apolo- 
getic letter which closed the incident. 

In accordance with instructions Slocum organized expeditions 
into the interior, where, by the activity of his troops he prevented 
the Confederates from sending reinforcements to Lee or Johnston. 
Taking with him 2,800 infantry and cavalry, and six pieces of 
artillery, belonging to the Seventeenth Corps, he left Vicksburg, 
July second, for the purpose of destroying the bridge over Pearl 
river. After accomplishing this he encountered a strong force of 
the enemy under command of Lieut. Gen. S. D. Lee, posted on 
the Clinton road, three miles from Jackson, the State capital. Slo- 

92 



iHcnr\> TRHarncr Slocum 

cum attacked early on the morning of the seventh, and after an 
engagement of two hours' duration forced his opponents back, and 
moved on to Clinton. He did not attempt a pursuit as his com- 
mand had about exhausted the supplies with which it started. In 
this affair Slocum lost 33 killed, 156 wounded, and 31 missing; 
total 220. General Lee claims a victory in his report, but makes 
no mention of his casualties aside from the wounding of General 
Gholson. 

Another and successful expedition was made from Vicksburg, 
July 10-17, 1864, by General Slocum, during which his forces 
advanced to Port Gibson and Grand Gulf. Some brisk fighting 
occurred at each place in which the enemy was driven from its posi- 
tion with considerable loss. The object of the movement having 
been accomplished, the troops returned to Vicksburg. Other expe- 
ditions of a similar character, but unimportant as events, were suc- 
cessfully undertaken, Slocum's activity in these matters keeping a 
large force of Confederates in Mississippi that otherwise might have 
been employed against Sherman or Grant. 

The persistent efforts of the Confederates, aided by sympathiz- 
ing residents, to get supplies for their army through the lines at 
Vicksburg, necessitated a vigilant management on the part of the 
commandant of that district. Strict measures had to be inaugu- 
rated, also, to protect the large number of freedmen within the 
lines, to regulate the cotton trade, to suppress the efforts of corrupt 
officials, and to protect the many interests of the Government that 
were continually involved in the administration of affairs on the 
Mississippi. 

Some of Slocum's orders in connection with these matters are of 
historical value as indicating the condition of affairs at Vicksburg at 
this time: 

93 



JHenr^ Marncr Slocum 

.1 



HnciRs. District of Vicksburg, 

Vicksbubg, Miss., May 5, 1864 
General Oedeeb, / 
No. 4. J 



I. No persons except those in the employ of the United States Government, 
and loyal citizens, or those who have taken the oath of allegiance, will hereafter 
hi> permitted to pass the picket-lines at any post within this district. 

II. No goods or merchandise of any kind will hereafter be allowed to pass 
outside the lines, except the necessary supplies for planters working land leased 
from the United States, and limited quantities to citizens who have taken the 
oath of allegiance. No citizen will be allowed to take out supplies for any 
persons except himself and his immediate family, and in no case will more than 
thirty days'" supplies be taken out. 

III. The provost-marshal at every post will keep an accurate record of 
every pass granted, and of all permits approved by himself, or the post com- 
mander. Books for this purpose will be supplied by the quartermaster's depart- 
ment and the records will be kept open for the inspection of any officer of the 
Government, at all hours between eight a. m. and six p. m. A record will be 
kept by the officers of the picket-line of all passes and permits presented, which 
record will be compared with that of the provost-marshal, and any discrepancy 
will at once be reported. 

IV. All trade stores within the district at points not garrisoned by at least 
one regiment of troops will at once be discontinued. No goods or merchandise 
will be landed at any point on the river within the limits of the district which 
is not garrisoned by troops, except necessary supplies for planters working land 
leased from the Government, in which case the goods may be landed under cover 
of a gun-boat at the nearest practicable point to the plantation. 

V. All boats ladened with merchandise detected in landing in violation of 
this order will be seized and brought to this post. 

VI. All persons charged with the duties of imposing taxes upon citizens, or 
of seizing property for the Government, will keep an account of all such trans- 
actions, specifying the persons from whom the money or property was received 
and the disposition made of it. This account will be kept open for the inspec- 
tion of any officer of the Government, or of any citizen who has been taxed, or 
from whom property has been taken. 

VII. No Government wagon, transport, or vessel of any kind will be used 
in bringing cotton or other stores to market, except in cases where such stores 
have been seized for the Government. 

VIII. All clerks and citizen employes in every department whose services are 
not absolutely necessary will at once be discharged. 

IX. No rations will be issued, nor property of any kind transferred to citi- 
zens to reimburse them for losses sustained by the operations of the war. The 

94 



Menn> TRIlarner Slocum 

persons to whom damages are to be paid, and the amounts due, are questions 
which no military officer is authorized to adjust. 

X. It is the duty of every person in the employ of the Government and of 
every loyal citizen to aid in the correction of all evils. Any practice on the 
part of either civil or military officers or citizens which tends to aid the enemy 
or defraud or injure the Government should be promptly reported, and sustained 
by such proof as will enable the commanding general to correct the evil, and 
bring the guilty parties to punishment. 

By command of Maj. Gen. H. W. Slocum: 

H. C. RODGERS, 

Assistant Adjutant-General. 



Hdqrs. District of Vicksburg, 

Vicksburg, Miss., May 12, 1864. 



,} 

General Orders, ) 



No. 6. 



I. The United States Government having adopted the policy of leasing 
abandoned plantations and giving employment to freedmen, it is the duty of 
the military authorities to give protection as far as possible to the lessee and 
laborer. This protection can only be given by holding responsible the districts 
in which the bands of guerrillas, who are constantly committing depredations 
upon them, are organized and encouraged. 

II. It is therefore ordered that hereafter in every instance where a Govern- 
ment lessee is robbed of his property, the commanding officer of the nearest 
military post shall send a sufficient force to the locality, with instructions to 
seize from disloyal citizens property sufficient to fully indemnify the lessee, 
which property will be sold at public auction and the proceeds paid to the 
injured person. If the crops of the lessee are destroyed, or in any manner 
injured, crops of the same kind will be seized from disloyal citizens and harvested 
for the benefit of the injured party. If any lessee is killed by guerrillas, an 
assessment of SI 0,000 will at once be levied upon the disloyal people residing 
within thirty miles of the place where the offense was committed. Property of 
any kind will be seized and sold for this purpose. The amount so assessed will 
be appropriated for the benefit of the family of the lessee. Full reports of all 
seizures and sales of property under this order will in all cases be forwarded 
direct to these headquarters. 

III. In deciding upon the class of persons who are to be assessed it should 
not be forgotten that the oath of allegiance is not an infallible test of loyalty. 
If a citizen has relatives and friends among these, if he harbors or protects them, 
or if having the means of doing so he fails to inform the lessee of their approach, 

95 



Mcnrp TKHarncr Slocum 

he must be held accountable. Men must be judged by their acts and not by 
the oaths they have taken. 

By command of Maj. Gen. H. W. Slocum : 

H. C. RODGERS, 

Assistant Adjutant-General. 



Hdqrs. District of Vicksburg, } 

Vicksburg, Miss., May 18, 1864. ) 
General Orders, ) 
No. 7. ) 

The attention of the officers of this command is called to the importance of 
maintaining discipline and preventing all marauding and pillaging on the part 
of the soldiers, while every effort should be made to punish citizens who aid the 
enemy, or who in any manner violate military law or orders. The punishment 
in every case should be inflicted by the proper authority, and in a proper and 
lawful manner. Every act of pillage and every unjustifiable encroachment upon 
the right of citizens serve only to bring disgrace upon our armies and encourage 
a spirit which should be unknown among brave men engaged in a noble cause. 

The recent murder of a citizen by colored soldiers in open day in the streets 
of this city should arouse the attention of every officer serving with these troops 
to the absolute necessity of preventing their soldiers from attempting a redress 
of their own grievances. If the spirit which led to this act of violence is not 
at once repressed, consequences of the most terrible nature must follow. The 
responsibility resting upon officers in immediate command of colored troops can- 
not be overestimated. The policy of arming colored men, although at first 
strongly opposed, has finally been very generally approved by loyal men through- 
out the country. If this experiment is successful, if these troops prove power- 
ful and efficient in enforcing obedience to law, all good officers connected with 
the organization will receive the credit which will be due them as pioneers in 
the great work. But if in teaching the colored man that he is free, and that, 
in becoming a soldier, he has become the equal of his former master, we forget 
to teach him the first duty of the soldier, that of obedience to law, and to the 
orders of those appointed over him ; if we encourage him in rushing for his arms 
and coolly murdering citizens for every fancied insult, nothing but disgrace and 
dishonor can befall all connected with the organization. 

Every wrong done to the colored soldiers can and shall be punished, but he 
must not be permitted to take the law into his own hands, and hereafter the 
officers of any regiment guilty of such crimes as that which has to-day brought 
disgrace upon the colored troops, will be held to a strict accountability. 

By command of Maj. Gen. H. W Slocum : 

H. C. RODGERS, 



96 



Assistant Adjutant-General. 



Menr^ TKHarner Slocum 

But Slocum was needed at the front again. Having been 
appointed to the command of the Twentieth Corps, then on the 
Atlanta campaign, he relinquished his duties at Vicksburg August 
14, 1864, and after waiting a few days to close his business there 
hastened to join Sherman's army. 

The Twentieth Corps was engaged at this time in the siege of 
Atlanta. Just before Slocum's arrival the corps had been sent to 
guard the line of the Chattahoochee River, while the main army, 
abandoning its trenches, moved against the railroad communications 
of the enemy on the south side of the city. Slocum arrived at the 
camps of the Twentieth Corps, August twenty-seventh, his appear- 
ance being greeted with enthusiastic cheers. The Gettysburg and 
Chancellorsville veterans were especially prominent in this demon- 
stration, as they rejoiced greatly at the prospect of serving under 
their old commander again. 

Sherman's movement to the south of Atlanta had the intended 
effect. General Hood was forced to come out and fight in order to 
protect his line of supplies, and encountering defeat he was compelled 
to order the evacuation of the city. Before abandoning Atlanta the 
Confederates destroyed seventy carloads of ammunition and burned 
a, large amount of material on the night of September first. The 
continuous and heavy explosions aroused the camps of the Twentieth 
Corps, some six miles distant. As the men listened to the uproar, 
plainly heard in the stillness of the night, they argued that Sherman 
had returned and was attempting an assault. But when Slocum saw 
the red glare of the sky he knew that the enemy was evacuating the 
city, and immediately ordered forward a strong detachment from 
each of his three divisions. Starting before daylight these troops 
entered the outer works in a few hours, where they were met by 
the civil authorities who made a formal surrender of the city. Sher- 
man, who was at Jonesboro, some thirty miles away, soon received 
a despatch from Slocum announcing the fall of Atlanta and its 
occupation by his corps. 

The Twentieth Corps remained in the city, and the rest of the 
army, on its return, encamped at various points in that vicinity. 
Sherman's confidence in Slocum's administrative ability was such 
that he left him, with the Twentieth Corps, to hold Atlanta and 
manage its affairs while he (Sherman) moved northward in pursuit 
of Hood. Slocum remained in the city over two months, his time 

7 97 



Menn? IKHarner Slocum 

being occupied with provost duties and in organizing expeditions 
into the country for gathering food and supplies for his command. 

The pursuit of the elusive Hood proved fruitless. Sherman 
returned to Atlanta with part of his forces, having left the rest 
under General Thomas, with instructions to follow the Confederate 
army and destroy it. On the return to Atlanta preparations were 
made for the movement through Georgia to Savannah. For this 
purpose the army was divided into two separate commands, desig- 
nated respectively as the Right and Left Wing. The former, com- 
posed of the Army of the Tennessee, was placed under General 
Howard; the latter, made up of two corps from the army of the 
Cumberland — Fourteenth and Twentieth — was assigned to Gen- 
eral Slocum. 

The March to the Sea began November fifteenth. One week 
before, General Slocum wrote a letter to his family describing some 
of the scenes of preparation : 

Atlanta, Ga., A r ov. 1th. 1864. 

The last train for the North leaves here to-morrow morning. Our soldiers 
are scattered along the railroad a hundred miles north, and as soon as that train 
passes the work of destruction will commence. The railroad will be completely 
destroyed and every bridge burned. Then both armies (the Armies of the 
Tennessee and the Cumberland) will assemble here, and after destroying this 
city will commence the march. I fear their track will be one of desolation. 

I have been to the R. R. depot for the past three days several times, and 
have witnessed many sad and some ludicrous scenes. All citizens (white and 
black) begin to apprehend that something is about to happen. The whites art- 
alarmed, and many are leaving the city, giving up houses, lands, furniture, 
negroes, and all. The blacks want to go North, and the Car House is sur- 
rounded by them. Hundreds of cars are literally packed with them and their 
dirt}' bundles, inside and out. Old toothless hags, little pickaninnies, fat 
wenches of all shades, from light brown to jet black, are piled up together with 
their old bags, bundles, broken chairs, etc. Some are gnawing old bones, some 
squatted by the cars making hoe-cakes, some crying for food. Many of the 
whites are as anxious to get North as the darkies, and gladly accept a place in 
a car reeking with the odor peculiar to "the American of African descent. " 
It. is a sad sight, but I anticipate seeing many such before spring. 

I wish for humanity's sake that this sad war could be brought to a close. 
While laboring to make it successful, I shall do all in my power to mitigate its 
horrors. 



JHenn? H&arner Slocum 

General Slocum held now the highest command in his military 
career, that of a separate army. The able manner in which he con- 
ducted his forces while on the March to the Sea justified his selec- 
tion for this responsible position. 

Though his column did not encounter the enemy in strong 
force, and his troops did comparatively little fighting, he demon- 
strated that he was a master of the art of military logistics. 
Despite all difficulties, the various divisions of his army never failed 
to reach their appointed destination within the allotted time. When 
the hour came, whether noon or night, every wagon of his trains was 
in its park, every regiment of his command at its place of bivouac. 
In military science there are many branches besides fighting; and 
Slocum's wide experience embraced them all. 

When Sherman's forces reached Savannah, an investment of the 
city and a siege became necessary. General Hardee occupied the 
place with 15,000 Confederate troops, under able, experienced com- 
manders. The strong line of works, combined with certain natural 
advantages, indicated a prolonged defense. But the investment was 
not complete. Hardee had one avenue of escape, across the Savan- 
nah river to the North. As the left of Slocum's army rested on the 
river, he made a demonstration against this one line by which the 
enemy might retreat, and had he secured the desired permission 
would have placed a strong body of troops across it. But Sherman 
had a different arrangement in mind, and went to Beaufort to secure 
the co-operation of some troops for this purpose. During his absence, 
Hardee, alarmed by the threatening movement of one of Slocum's 
brigades towards his rear, evacuated the city, and withdrew his forces 
in safety. Crossing the river, he reached a causeway through a 
swamp, his one and only way of escape. Had Slocum's suggestion 
been adopted, the entire garrison would have been compelled to 
surrender within a short time. Upon the evacuation a division of 
the Twentieth Corps was the first to enter the city, and to these 
troops was accorded the privilege of remaining there on provost duty 
while the army lay outside the town. 

In January, 1865, Sherman's two armies started northward on 
the campaign of the Carolinas, with the ultimate intention of joining 
the Army of the Potomac, at Petersburg, or co-operating with it. 
This campaign was the most remarkable one in the history of the 
war for its duration, the number of miles marched, and the hardships 

99 



iHenrp TUflarncr Slocum 

encountered by the soldiers. It was undertaken at the most inclem- 
ent season of the year in that climate. 

The route was crossed at frequent intervals by rivers that, owing 
to the frequent rains, had overflowed their banks and filled the great 
swamps on either side. Though the pontoon trains were sufficient 
for bridging any stream on the line of march, they were useless in 
the wide areas of flooded lowlands. The soldiers were obliged to 
wade repeatedly through long stretches of deep and chilling water, 
often exposed to the fire of the enemy. The Confederates availed 
themselves of every opportunity to contest the passage of these 
streams. In addition, there was the toilsome work of destroying the 
railroads along the route, and the still more arduous labor of assisting 
the wagon trains and artillery through the swamps. 

In passing through North Carolina, Slocum, still in command of 
the Left Wing, encountered Hardee's forces near Averasborough. 
An engagement, one of the 'ninor battles of the war, ensued, in 
which Slocum defeated Hardee handsomely and drove him from the 
field. Three days later, Gen. Jos. E. Johnston, having united his 
scattered forces, attacked Slocum at Bentonville. The Confederate 
leader, having over 20,000 veterans under his command, hoped that 
by a sudden dash upon the Left Wing he could defeat that army 
before it could receive assistance from the Right Wing, then many 
miles distant. But Slocum, wary and cautious, quickly divined the 
intention of his antagonist. Recalling his advance and bringing for- 
ward his divisions from the rear, he threw his forces into position 
quickly and repulsed Johnston's fierce onslaught. When night 
came he was still in possession of the field. The next day he was 
reinforced by troops sent to his support by General Howard. There 
was some desultory fighting, and then Johnston retreated to Raleigh. 
Another victory was added to Slocum's record. 

The careful, methodical action which always characterized Slo- 
cum's movements when about to encounter the enemy in force was 
well displayed at Bentonville. When the general found that a bat- 
tle was imminent he halted until he could bring up all his available 
forces, and in the meantime ascertain the position of the enemy. 
General Kilpatrick, who was in command of the cavalry, urged 
Slocum strongly to make a bold dash and clear the Confederates 
out of the way as he (Slocum) had done at Averasborough. Had 
he done so he would have invited a serious disaster. But rejecting 
100 



Menn> IKHarner Slocum 

the advice thus offered he said, significantly, " General Kilpatrick, 
I don't propose to advance farther until I know just what is on my 
flanks. ' ' The doughty cavalryman looked thoughtful for a moment, 
and then hurried away to obtain this highly important information. 

Hon. J. B. Foraker, United States Senator from Ohio, who was 
a member of Slocum's staff on this campaign, says that Major 
Mosely, also of the staff, suggested to Slocum that he should order 
the advance division to charge the enemy and clear the road ; that 
there could not possibly be a very strong force in front; that if the 
general waited for his other forces to come up a whole day would be 
lost ; and that if it should turn out that there was nothing in front 
to justify such caution it would injure the prestige of the Left Wing. 
Slocum replied, earnestly, "I can afford to be charged with being 
dilatory or overcautious, but I cannot afford the responsibility of 
another Ball's Bluff affair.* 

To Slocum's credit, it should be said that he did what he 
could to maintain a proper state of discipline in his own com- 
mand. Major William G. Tracy, of Slocum's staff, states that 
"During this march he (Slocum), so far as was in his power, I 
endeavored to restrain unnecessary pillage and injury to the inhabit- 
ants of the country, but never received the credit due him for 
such efforts, for he had but scant sympathy in that regard from his 
superior officer." t 

The Carolina campaign ended practically with the occupation of 
Goldsborough. Here the designation of the Left Wing was changed 
to that of the Army of Georgia, although no change was made in its 
composition. General Slocum, retaining his command, served with 
the Army of Georgia in the pursuit and at the surrender of Johnston, 
and rode at the head of this army in the final Grand Review in 
Washington at the close of the war. 

The time having arrived for disbanding the army and mustering 
out the regiments, General Slocum issued a farewell address to his 
soldiers : 

* Battles and Leaders of the Civil War. Vol. IV, p. 693. New York: The Century Co. 1888. 
-f Address at Slocum memorial service, All Souls' Church, Brooklyn, N. Y., May 4, 1894. 

101 



Henn? THUarner Slocum 

I 



lIn.\l>UI\\KTKKs AllMY OF GEORGIA, 

Washington, D. C, June 6th, 1865. 



General Orders, 
No. 15. 



With the separation of the troops composing this Army in compliance with 
recent orders, the organization known as "the Army of Georgia " will virtually 
cease to exist. Many of you will at once return to your homes. No one now 
serving as a volunteer will probably be retained in service against his will but a 
short time longer. All will soon be permitted to return and receive the rewards 
due them as the gallant defenders of their country. 

While I cannot repress a feeling of sadness at parting with you, I congratu- 
late you upon the grand results achieved by your valor, fidelity and patriotism. 

No generation has ever done more for the permanent establishment of a just 
and liberal form of Government — more for the honor of their Nation — than 
has been done during the past four years by the Armies of the United States, 
and the patriotic people at home, who have poured out their wealth in support 
of these armies with a liberality never before witnessed in any country. 

Do not forget the parting advice of that great Chieftain who led you through 
your recent brilliant campaign, "As in war you have been good soldiers, so in 
peace be good citizens." 

Should you ever desire to resume the honorable profession you are now about 
to leave, do not forget that this profession is honorable only when followed in 
obedience to the orders of the constituted authority of your Government. 

With feelings of deep gratitude to each and all of you for your uniform 
soldierly conduct, — for the patience and fortitude with which you have borne 
all the hardships it has been necessary to impose upon you, — and for the 
unflinching resolution with which you have sustained the holy cause in which 
we have been engaged, I bid you farewell. 

H. W. SLOCUM, 

Major-General Comd'g. 

After a brief leave of absence he returned to Vicksburg where 
he assumed command of the military department of the Mississippi. 
Here he exercised his administrative ability in alleviating so far as 
possible the unhappy conditions incidental to a long and terrible 
war, the effects of which had been especially disastrous to the people 
in that district. Under his able guidance a peaceful condition of 
affairs was soon restored and business was resumed in all its various 
branches. 

But the position and its duties were in too strong a contrast with 
his four years of active life in the field. The general found the routine 

10-2 



Henrg Wlarner Slocum 

:it Vicksburg irksome and burdensome in the extreme. He had an 
intense longing for home and the attractions of civil life. He had 
defended his country well in its time of trial, and now that there 
was no further need of his services he felt at liberty to resign his 
commission. 

At this time the politicians of his State, eagerly seeking for a 
candidate whose brilliant record and popularity would render him 
available for party success, were giving his name favorable con- 
sideration. Prior to the war, Slocum had been a Republican and 
had held important offices under that party. But during the war 
he had always refrained from any expression of opinion whatever on 
political matters. Although loyal to the Administration he had 
never by word or deed allowed any intimation of his views on the 
management of affairs to escape him. Hence a nomination on the 
State ticket was tendered him by each party. He received two 
letters in Vicksburg that are of particular interest in connection 

with this matter: 

Syracuse, N. Y., August 11, 1865. 
Dear General : 

We of the State of New York, of the chosen of the Lord, who are desirous 
of sustaining the administration of President Johnson, etc. , are looking around 
for candidates for state offices this fall. 

And now to the point. I have no doubt a nearly, if not entirely, unanimous 
nomination for the office of Secretary of State (the head of the ticket) can be 
secured you. I now think the nomination can be secured by acclamation ; but 
certainly it can be secured so as to be, or appear to be, entirely unsought after 
by you, — if you desire it. I came from Saratoga yesterday, where together 
with Belden I talked with several of our friends. To-day, Watson, of Cayuga 
county, has been here. He is present at this writing and would be most happy 
to honor you. Therefore you see my judgment is not mere speculation. I 
believe, also, that you know enough of me to have a fair opinion of my discern- 
ment in political matters. 

The question now is, What do you desire in the matter? Please write me 
fully, that your friends may act advisedly. I hardly know whether to advise 
you or not, but it must be obvious to you that for your own good, if you 
intend to come back to this State, the sooner you mix in State politics the bet- 
ter, and there can hardly be a better or more propitious way of entering than 
as a military "Hero, 1 '' and before all the military heroes have retired to civil 
life, and have become your rivals for civic honors. 

Most truly, your friend, 

FRANK HISCOCK. 

103 



Henn? TWiarner ©locum 

Syracuse, N. Y., August 22, 1865. 
Strictly confidential. 

My Dear Sin: 

The political campaign is about opening, and from present appearances 
promises many curious combinations. I have just returned from a meeting of 
our Democratic State Committee at Albany, which called a State Convention 
for the nomination of State officers to meet on September sixth. 

Now to the point. I am authorized by our leading politicians to offer you 
the place of Secretary of State on our ticket ; or if the duties of this are too 
active for you, to ask you to accept that of Treasurer, where the duties are less 
active and require but little of your time. We would, however, prefer you to 
head the ticket. 

Mr. Robinson, the present Comptroller, elected by the Republicans two 
years ago, desires a renomination from us, and he will in all probability get it. 
Martin Grover, elected by the Republicans to the Supreme Court bench, will 
be one of our nominees for the Court of Appeals. I mention these facts in 
order that you may get some idea of the drift affairs are taking. 

There is not much doubt in the minds of good politicians but that we shall 
carry the State this fall. We intend to endorse President Johnson's adminis- 
tration with regard to his treatment of the Southern States, and while we shall 
endorse it quite generally, we shall avoid finding fault with it upon any question 
— believing that in a very short time the President's policy will conform to 
what is desired by the Democratic party. I am also warranted in saying that 
if you accept our nomination for Secretary of State, the pleasantest office on 
the ticket, and should be elected, you can have the nomination for Governor 
next year. The present would be but a stepping stone to the other. Under- 
stand me, this offer is not made by any particular interest or clique in the 
party, but would be given to you unanimously in the Convention. Dean Rich- 
mond knows of in}' writing this, and I shall expect — with your permission — 
to show him your reply. You will notice that I have written you very frankly ; 
my acquaintance with you warrants me in doing so. 

Regarding you more of a soldier than politician, you will pardon me when 
I express my belief that everything now indicates the speedy dissolution of the 
Republican party and the return of the Democracy to power — a result which 
just laws, equal taxation, and the best interests of the country imperatively 
demand. You will of course consider my letter as entirely confidential, and 
favor me with an immediate reply. Yours very truly, 

JNO. A. GREEN, Jr. 
To Maj. Genl. H. W. Slocum. 

104 



Menn? iftflarner Slocum 

General Slocum had already made up his mind to retire from the 
army, but he delayed his resignation for various reasons, one of which 
appears in a letter to General Sherman : 



Headquarters Department of Mississippi, 

Vicksburg, Miss., August 27, 1865. 



} 

My Dear General: 



Your favor of the twenty-second has just come to hand. I came here with- 
out my family and with the intention of remaining only until the surplus gen- 
erals were mustered out. I did not like to go out with a crowd of worthless 

officers who should have been mustered out long ago ; but I think & Co. 

will outlive me after all, as I do not intend to spend the winter here. I shall 
pay you a visit on my way home. 

Force has reported and been assigned to the command of the Vicksburg Dis- 
trict, relieving Maltby. Force is a good officer and I am glad to get him. 
Charley Ewing has not yet come. 

Woods has been very sick at Mobile but is better. I have met many of 
your old officers and soldiers since we parted, and all of them, without excep- 
tion, are " loyal." 

I enclose an order just published. I did not like to take this step ; but 
Sharkey should have consulted me before issuing an order arming the rebs — 
and placing them on duty with the darkies in every county of the State. I 
hope the U. S. Military will soon be removed from the State, but until this is 
done it would certainly be bad policy to arm the militia. 

Yours, truly, 
Maj. Genl. W. T. Sherman, H. W. SLOCUM. 

St. Louis, Mo. 



To this letter General Sherman replied as follows: 

,1 



Headquarters Military Division of the Mississippi, 

St. Louis, Mo., September 7, 1865. 



Dear Slocum : 

I have just received your letter of August twenty-seventh. Since I wrote 
3'ou, Charley Ewing has gone down, and must now be with you. I have read 
all your orders and of course approve beforehand, as you, on the spot, are the 
competent judge. Sooner or later the people South must resume the manage- 
ment of their own affairs, even if they commit felo-de-se ; for the North cannot 
long afford to keep armies there for local police. Still as long as you do have 
the force, and the State none, you must of necessity control. My own opinion 

105 



Menn? Warner Slocum 

is that self interest will soon induce the present people of Mississippi to invite 
and encourage a kind of emigration that will, like in Maryland and Missouri, 
change the whole public opinion. They certainly will not again tempt the 
resistance of the United States ; nor will they ever reinstate the negro. The 
only question is when will the change occur. 

I agree with you that if you see your way ahead in civil life, it is to your 
permanent interest to resign ; it don't make much difference when. You have 
all the military fame you can expect in this epoch. All know your rank and 
appreciate you, and I would not submit to the scrambling for position next 
winter if I were in your place, unless you have resolved to stay in the army for 
life. 

■ I shall be delighted to meet you as you come up. I am now boarding at 
the Lindell Hotel, but expect to go to housekeeping in a few days on Garrison 
Avenue, near Franklin Avenue, a fine property, presented to me, on the out- 
skirts of the city, where I shall be delighted to receive you. My office is on 
Walnut Street, between five and six, near the Southern Hotel. 

Always your friend, 

W. T. SHERMAN. 

The resignation of General Slocum was dated September 28, 
1865. Leaving Vicksburg, he returned to Syracuse with the inten- 
tion of resuming the practice of law. To the surprise of his friends 
he accepted the nomination for Secretary of State on the Democratic- 
ticket. He was in accord with President Johnson's views as to the 
status of the returning States, and the measures best adapted to the 
political pacification of the South. It was with keen regret that he 
broke with his old party friends to whom he had been indebted in 
his earlier life ; but he followed the path of duty as he saw it, yet 
without questioning the right of others who remained loyally within 
the old appointed lines. He was defeated in the election that fall, 
together with the rest of his ticket. It was a Republican year. If 
the Democratic leaders thought that his nomination would make an 
inroad in the soldier vote they were mistaken. The Republicans 
nominated for the same office, Gen. Francis C. Barlow, an officer 
whose fine war record would fully justify any Republican veteran in 
adhering to his own ticket at that election. If Slocum was disap- 
pointed over his defeat he gave no evidence of it; but Sherman's 
sympathy for his friend and companion-in-arms appears in his next 
letter : 

106 



Henrs Warner Slocum 

Saint Louis, Mo., December 26, 1865. 
Gen. H. W. Slocum, 

Syracuse, New York: 
Dear Slocum: 

I got home last Friday after a three weeks absence down in Arkansas, and 
found, among a budget of letters received, your valued favor of Nov. thirtieth. 
This is my first leisure hour since, and I hasten to assure you of my great per- 
sonal attachment, and that I would do almost anything that would mark my 
favor to you. 

I think I was more disappointed at your non-election than you could have 
been ; for I thought that politics had not so strong a hold on New York as to 
defeat you for an office that should have been above the influence of mere party 
organization. But you are young, and can stand it ; and I know that, some- 
time later, your State will recognize and reward, if you need it, military services 
such as you rendered your country. 

At some future time I will come on to Syracuse and stop a day with you to 
assure you of my great partiality, and also to renew the short but most agree- 
able acquaintance formed in Washington with your wife, to whom I beg you will 
convey my best compliments. 

As to delivering a lecture at Albany, I must decline. The truth is, on 
abstract subjects I know I would be as prosy as a cyclopedia, and not half as 
accurate ; and to speak on matters of personal interest, past, present or future, 
I would be sure to give rise to controversies, useless or mischievous. Of the 
events with which we were connected, I am already committed, and must stand 
by the record. Were I to elaborate them it would detract from the interest of 
what now stands as a contemporaneous narrative. I really think we do best to 
let others now take up the thread of history, and treat of us as actors of the 
past. 

Please write to Mr. Doty that I am very much complimented by his flatter- 
ing invitation ; that I appreciate the object he aims to accomplish, and would 
be glad to assist therein, but that outside considerations would make it unbe- 
coming to appear in the nature of a lecturer. Too much importance has 
already been given to the few remarks I have made at times when I simply aimed 
to acknowledge a personal compliment, and to gratify a natural curiosity by 
people whose imaginations had been excited by the colored pictures drawn by 
the press. 

I have not preserved out of the late war a single relic — not a flag, not a 

curious shot or shell ; nothing but those simple memories which every New York 

soldier retains as well as I do. I do think that your regiment was so filled by 

young men of education and intelligence that the commissioners will find 

their records swelling to an extent that will more than gratify their fondest 

expectations. 

107 



IKcnrp THUarncr Slocum 

We are now living in great comfort here. Your excellent photograph 
has its place in the albums of each of my children, and Mrs. Sherman regards 
you with special favor. Wishing you all honor and fame among your own peo- 
ple, I shall ever regard you as one of my cherished friends. 

With respects. 

W. T. SHERMAN, 

Major- General. 

A position in the Regular Army suitable to his previous rank 
and record was tendered General Slocum by the Government, but 
as he had other plans in view he declined the honor, expressing his 
high appreciation of this further recognition of his services. After 
a brief stay in Syracuse he moved his residence to the city of Brook- 
lyn, where he soon became connected with business enterprises of an 
extensive character. 

Although he had no aspirations for a political life and made no 
efforts to promote his interests in this direction, political honors were 
conferred upon him. In 18G8 his name was placed on the State 
ticket as a Presidential Elector ; and the next year he was sent to 
Congress from a Brooklyn district. In 1883 he was elected Con- 
gressman-at-Large from the State of New York by a flattering 
majority. In the discharge of his duties at the National Capital he 
paid little attention to the details of party or petty legislation, but 
was always prominently identified with measures relating to the 
army, the welfare of the veterans, and the various questions arising 
from conditions engendered by the Civil War. He took an active 
part in securing the passage of the bill granting a second court of 
inquiry in the case of Gen. Fitz John Porter, which resulted in the 
reinstatement of that officer in the Regular Army with his former 
rank and position. In this generous action he had the concurrence 
of General Grant, and, also, the approval of every thoughtful stu- 
dent of history who had made a careful, unprejudiced examination 
of the facts and records bearing on this celebrated case. General 
Slocum served three terms at Washington, and then, finding that 
his private business required his entire time and attention, declined 
a renomination. 

Despite his long, busy life, with all the requirements of politics 
and wide-spread business connections, the general found time to 

108 



Hcnrs UWarner Slocum 

keep in touch with army acquaintances. Some of the letters writ- 
ten and received by him are interesting in connection with this 
period of his life: 

Brooklyn, N. Y., March 8, 1868. 
My Dear General: 

Your favor of February twenty-fourth has been received. The enclosure 
(relative to claim for services of a woman in Georgia) was endorsed and for- 
warded in compliance with your request. 

I read with much interest your views as to the future meetings of the officers 
of your old armies. I have read the proceedings at Cincinnati, including the 
speeches of yourself and General Thomas, and I frankly confess to you what I 
have admitted to no other person, that I was a little disappointed that no men- 
tion whatever was made by any one of my command under you on the Great 
March. My command constituted nearly one-half your force on that march, 
and your reports show that it bore more than one-half of the losses you suf- 
fered, and I did think it entitled me to a word of recognition. According to the 
maps, General Thomas commanded the Army of Georgia as well as that which 
defended Nashville, and I cannot for the life of me tell what command I had. 
I begin to doubt whether or not I was with you. In order that I may get 
posted on these matters, I think I shall attend the next meeting ; but I assure 
you I am too lazy or too indifferent on the subject to quarrel with my associates 
for "the honors." 

Since the eventful days that we spent in Raleigh, I have witnessed some 
wonderful changes. Logan, who then feared that Frank Blair and myself would 
be radicals when we reached home, can now throw even old Thad Stevens in the 
shade. Stanton is earnestly supported by the Grand Army of the Republic, 
although at that time he was exceedingly unpopular in the Army of Georgia. 

Ambition and self-interest have wiped out the memory of the past, buried 
old friendships, and brought into the same fold those who were then sworn 
enemies. I presume that it is better that it should be so. Still, I cannot curse 
a man one day and fawn on him the next. I cannot declare slavery the natural 
and proper condition of the negro to-day, and to-morrow advocate his right to 
make constitutions and laws. Hence I think I shall never make a politician. 
And if I am not a politician, of what value is a military record? Thomas may 
have the credit of commanding your left wing, and Logan the credit of Benton- 
ville. ... On personal as well as political matters, I still stand on the 
Raleigh platform. 

Perhaps I owe you an apology for referring to these matters in replying to 
your kind letter ; but as I never allude to them in conversation with friends, or 

109 



Wenq? TOIlarner Slocum 

in letters for the press, I trust you will pardon me for writing to you just what 
I think and feel. 

I am still living a quiet and happy life at my home in Brooklyn where Mrs. 
Slocum as well as myself will ever be glad to welcome you. 

Your friend, 

Lieut. Gen. W. T. Siikkmak, H. W. SLOCUM. 

St. Louis, Mo. 

To which Sherman replied as follows: 

St. Louis, Mo., March 13, 1868. 
Dear Slocum : 

Yours of March eighth is received. I was very glad to see that you took 
things so philosophically. It should have been my business to have looked after 
the interests of the absent ; but I was told that all would be toasted and noticed, 
and as very many officers of the Fourth and Fourteenth Corps were there I 
looked to them to say some kind words of you. At all events, I was not conscious 
that any one had been so omitted till the reports came in print, when I saw at 
a glance what construction you would put upon it. I will, however, make all 
the amends I can, and aim to bring all together for once this winter at Chicago, 
early in December, and afford all the armies once in my command an opportu- 
nity to have their own spokesmen. 

I have a letter from Schofield highly approbating and will now write Thomas, 
who has never recovered exactly from the criticisms on his slow fighting at 
Nashville, and my taking out of his army two strong corps, a fact that I see, 
plain enough, he would ignore. 

As to politics, it is impossible for language to convey my detestation of 
them. I have seen Fear, Cowardice, Treachery, Villainy in all its shapes con- 
tort and twist men's judgment and actions, but none of them like politics. It 
may be that politics are honest, respectable, and necessary to a republican form 
of government ; but I will none of them. As you say, Logan is a sample. I 
remember his ranting and pitching about that old Pagan in Raleigh, pretty 
much the same style as now, but slightly different in principle. 

They have tried to rope me in more than once, but I have kept out and 

shall do so as long as I can ; and then I hope I shall die before what little fame 

I have is lost and swept away. Your friend, 

W. T. SHERMAN, 

Lt. General. 
no 



Wenrs IKHarner Slocum 

The limits of this brief biography will not permit the publication 
here of the many interesting letters found among General Slocum's 
papers relating to the men and affairs of his time. A few, however, 
contain enough of unwritten history to justify their insertion: 

Brooklyn, N. Y., May 20th, 1875. 
Dear General: 

Please accept my thanks for the copy of your book received yesterday. I 
have not yet read it, but have read all the extracts published in the New York 
papers, together with editorial comments. While I anticipate a great row to 
result from it, I am glad you published it. It throws a flood of light on the 
story of your campaigns, and not only corrects many errors that have crept into 
history, but will prevent other falsehoods from appearing. 

I accidentally met General Hooker a day or two ago. He was very cordial 
in his manner towards me. Your book of course became a topic of conversation 
at once. He is not pleased with it, but was less bitter than I anticipated he would 
be. He showed me a letter written to him by Geo. Wilkes on October 14, 
1864, in which Wilkes relates an interview he had just had with Stanton, in 
which Stanton shows his animosity to you. He suggests to Hooker that he 
has placed him in command of a Department where he can not only build up 
himself, but can undermine you. There is not a doubt but that the letter is 
genuine, and it is a truthful statement of the interview. 

I would like very much to see you. When are you going on the plains? 
You promised to inform me. Yours truly, 

H. W. SLOCUM. 



Washington, D. C, Dec. 9, 1882. 
Dear Slocum: 

Looking over the New York papers of this morning I noticed the Club 
Dinner in Brooklyn in which you and Beecher spoke, and it occurred to me that 
may be I ought to have written you congratulating you on your recent election 
to the next House of Representatives. As a matter of course, my thoughts of 
you, if not of all persons and things, revert back to our army service together, 
and I do believe I feel the pleasure of a father when any of my old comrades 
attain anything they desire, be it wealth, influence or station ; but time has not 
stopped, and we hardly recognize each other after seventeen eventful years. 

Ill 



Mcnrp TaHarncr Slocum 

Politics too, seem to color objects as with a glass, and it might seem disloyal 
for me to rejoice at the success of a Democrat. But if you, General Slocum, 
want to come to Congress, I surely am glad that you have come endorsed by 
such a vote of your fellow citizens, which I choose to interpret as more due to 
your personal merits and qualities than to your partisan associates. One reason 
of my regret is that you come just as I leave. 

Don't for a moment believe that because a few newspaper scribblers have 
construed me a martyr, and consequently that I am a fit subject for a Presi- 
dential candidate. The thought to me is simply repulsive. I would not be a 
candidate if I could, and I could not if I would. No, I have my house at 
St. Louis, my family are anxious to get back, and I am equally so. All our 
neighbors there are jubilant at the idea of our coming back, and I would be 
the veriest fool to undergo the torture of a canvass and four years of worry and 
discomfort for an honor I do not covet or appreciate. 

I have seen Presidents Jackson, Harrison, Taylor, Grant, Hayes and Gar- 
field, and there is nothing in their experience which tempts me to depart from 
my convictions. I am under no obligations to sacrifice myself for the Republi- 
cans. They called me to Washington against my will, and so legislated that I 
could not afford to live in a house given to me as a compliment. They cut my 
pay down below what Lt. Gen. Scott had in 1848, when a dollar was worth two 
of to-day. Not a year since but my personal expenses have exceeded my salary. 
They allowed Secretary Belknap to pile up his indignities on me, so that self 
respect compelled me to go away. All this you know ; so that I should owe 
anything like gratitude to the Republicans is out of the question. But enough. 
I am glad you have succeeded, and sorry I must leave just as you are coming. 

Yours truly, 

W. T. SHERMAN. 



Army Building, } 

New Yoek, Dec. 29, 1886. \ 
Dear Slocum: 

Yours of the twenty-seventh was received yesterday. I am glad you 
answered the Press Interviewer as you did, and as was reported. Of course, I 
do not remember the exact words used at the New England dinner, but surely 
Logan is entitled to even exaggerated encomiums at this time. He had, as you 
well know, some magnificent qualities and some petty defects. For a long time he 
rankled over the seeming injustice of my agency in making Howard instead of 
Logan to succeed McPherson, killed in battle, and he visited on me the injus- 
tice of a reduction of pay when I could ill afford it, and succeeded in driving me 
out of Washington, etc. 
112 



Menr\> Warner Slocum 

But with more mature years he recovered from his spasm, and became more 
than friendly, not only to me personally, but to the regular army officers and 
men. This you must have noticed. I have had many most friendly jousts with 
him in debate and on paper. 

Meantime I must go to-morrow to Washington to act as pall bearer at his 
funeral on Friday. I have official notice that the funeral ceremonies will be 
held in the Senate Chamber at noon Friday, and that his body will be tempo- 
rarily deposited in a private vault in Washington, I infer afterward to be trans- 
ferred to Chicago. 

"And seven cities claimed the Homer dead, 
Through which the living Homer begged his bread." 

So the world wags. Ever since the war Logan has been toiling for a main- 
tenance, died poor, and now cities contest for his place of burial. 
Always glad to hear from you and hoping to meet you soon, 

I am, truly and sincerely, your friend, 

W. T. SHERMAN. 

It is doubtful if Slocum could have attained any special promi- 
nence in political life. At long intervals some fearless, outspoken 
man of high ideals is selected by a party organization to head its 
State or National ticket, but only when the party is in dire stress 
and the political leaders are obliged to tender the nomination in 
order to avoid defeat. 

But this man, who had always measured up to the highest stand- 
ard of the Regular Army and its traditions, whose consciousness 
of his own integrity of purpose prompted him to write General Sher- 
man that he had no ' ' desire to secure favors from him or any other 
person, ' ' would naturally receive but scant consideration from the 
machine bosses who must always have a candidate with whom they 
can make a deal, or whom they can bind by promises of patronage. 
Hence, when Slocum, at the urgent request of enthusiastic friends, 
allowed his name to come before the Syracuse Convention in 1882 
as a candidate for the gubernatorial nomination, he was defeated. 
Had he received the nomination, the phenomenal majority accorded 
at the polls that fell to his competitor would have been given him 
as well, and, probably, a still greater one, owing to his popularity 
and distinguished record. For him, too, the election to the office 
of Governor would have proved a stepping stone to the Presidency of 
the Nation. But, whatever ambitions he may have entertained, he 

8 "3 



IRenn? Marner Slocum 

wanted the office only for the power for good it had in it, and so, 
having made no effort on his own part to secure the nomination, he 
abided the action of the Convention cheerfully and with unruffled 
temper. 

General Slocum could well afford to forego the preferments of 
political life in view of the large fortune which accrued from his 
business ventures. His success in these affairs must have been very 
gratifying to him when he recalled to mind his efforts in early life 
to earn sufficient money to provide for his education. 

In every enterprise entrusted to his management he displayed an 
administrative ability which won the confidence and respect of the 
entire business community within which he operated. His success 
as an executive officer was demonstrated in the development of the 
"Crosstown" surface railroad system, which, under his manage- 
ment, became the most profitable line in the city. He was a large 
stockholder in other lines, and was president of the Brooklyn and 
Coney Island Railroad Company. Though his holdings in the latter 
were small compared with his other interests, this company was a 
special object of his regard. In the management of that property, 
his quick discernment made him first among local railway presidents 
to appreciate the merits of electricity as a motive power, and, with 
characteristic self-reliance, to install that system on his road. 

Among the other investments which occupied his attention, he 
was a director in the People's Trust Company, the Williamsburg 
City Fire Insurance Company, the Hecker-Jones-Jewell Milling 
Company, and the Coombs, Crosby & Eddy Company. 

Although the exacting requirements of his business affairs would 
not permit his continuance in public office, his interest in the welfare 
of the veterans in his State constrained him to accept an appoint- 
ment on the first Board of Trustees of the Soldiers' Home at Bath, 
N. Y. His name was sent to the Senate for this place by Gov. 
Lucius Robinson, and it was confirmed without reference. This 
Board, comprising some of the most distinguished soldiers in New 
York, elected General Slocum as its President, by a unanimous vote 
at the first meeting. It was an office without emolument or profit, 
but during the remainder of his life he continued in the discharge of 
its duties with unabated zeal. Although residing at a great dis- 
tance from the Home, he seldom missed a meeting, and never failed 
in his faithful devotion to the institution and its varied interests. 

114 



Henn? Warner Slocum 

He served also, until his death, as a member of the New York 
Monuments Commission for the Battlefield of Gettysburg, an office 
with important and exacting duties, owing to the large sums of 
money expended by the State in the erection of monuments for each 
New York regiment and battery that participated in the battle. He 
was a member of the Military Order of the Loyal Legion, and held 
for one term the highest office in the Commandery of New York. 
With all his cares and duties he found time for the enjoyments of 
social life, taking a prominent interest in the affairs and manage- 
ment of the Brooklyn Club. 

He was no longer seeking the great things in life. His only 
ambition was to do what good he could while pursuing the quiet 
tenor of his way. Gen. Stewart L. Woodford relates that at one 
time he asked Slocum if there was any truth in the report that he 
was willing to serve on the Board of Education in Brooklyn. Slo- 
cum replied that there was, and said further: " Mayor Schieren is 
my near neighbor, and I would not like to speak to him myself, 
but I wish you would tell him that if, when he is making up the 
list of new trustees, he has no one else, I would like to go on the 
Board of Education. All my ambition has passed away, but in the 
closing years of my life I would like to help the children of Brook- 
lyn." And then he added: " A man can do more good in helping 
the children to be taught well than he can in commanding an 
army. ' ' This incident will be better understood when it is remem- 
bered that he taught school himself for awhile before entering West 
Point. 

And so, amid quiet, peaceful pursuits, surrounded by all the 
enjoyments of an ideal home life, the years passed by. 

General Slocum died April 14, 1894, at the age of sixty-seven, 
after a brief illness, at his home in Brooklyn. 

Upon the news of his death the House of Representatives at 
Washington passed resolutions expressing profound regret and an 
acknowledgment of the loss which the Nation had sustained. Both 
the Senate and Assembly at Albany passed similar resolutions and 
adjourned as a token of respect, the lower house having appointed 
a committee from its members to attend the funeral. The Common 
Council of the City of Brooklyn took appropriate action, and ordered 
that business in the public buildings be suspended on the day of 
the funeral. The Military Order of the Loyal Legion issued an 

115 



Henrs Marner ©locum 

obituary pamphlet, and many Posts in the Grand Army of the 
Republic — some of them in other States — passed resolutions testi- 
fying to the loss which the veterans of the war had sustained in the 
death of their friend and advocate. 

The funeral was held at the Church of the Messiah, where the 
exercises were conducted in accordance with the solemn ritual of the 
Episcopal service. On the conclusion of the ceremonies in the 
church the remains were placed on a gun-carriage, and, covered by 
the flag he so heroically defended, were escorted to Greenwood 
Cemetery by a large body of troops from the Regular Army and 
National Guard, under command of Col. Loomis L. Langdon, First 
United States Artillery. The imposing military pageant, with the 
funereal music of the bands, made a deep impression on the silent 
throngs of citizens who lined the route along which the procession 
moved. At the Cemetery four volleys were fired by a battery of 
artillery, a bugler sounded " Taps " and the hero was laid at rest. 

And so, having lived the allotted years of human life, lived them 
in honor and to the good of his country and his fellow men, the 
" good gray head that all men knew " was seen no more. 

116 



Slocum anb Mis flfoen. 

B History of tbe ^welftb ano {Twentieth Hrm? Corps. 



By William F. Fox, Lieut. Col. 107th N. Y. V. 



in 



Slocum anb frtis flfoen. 



prologue. 



ON the morning of September 17, 1862, the Twelfth Corps 
of the Army of the Potomac held the right of the line 
on the battlefield of Antietam. Its commander, Gen. 
Joseph K. F. Mansfield, fell mortally wounded while gallantly 
directing the deployment of his troops as they went into action. 
After the battle the important duty of filling the vacancy caused 
by Mansfield's death devolved upon the War Department at Wash- 
ington, a task that demanded no small exercise of care and consid- 
eration. The Twelfth Corps at that time was composed of veterans 
who had seen honorable service in the Valley, on the Rappahannock, 
and in the Maryland campaign ; who had fought well at Winches- 
ter, Cedar Mountain, Manassas, and at Antietam ; it included sev- 
eral crack regiments famous on account of the exceptionally fine 
material in their ranks, while each division was noted for its high 
standard of efficiency, discipline and morale. To fill the vacant 
position a man had to be chosen whose fighting record, military 
ability and personal character would measure up to the high stand- 
ard of the troops committed to his charge. 

In the Army of the Potomac at that time there was a major- 
general of volunteers who had recently achieved distinction in the 
brilliant affair at Crampton's Gap, where the division which he 
commanded and led in person carried by storm a strong position of 
the enemy, one of the few successful assaults of the war. His 
previous record was an exceptionally meritorious one. A graduate 
of the Military Academy at West Point, he had been given at the 
outbreak of hostilities, the colonelcy of a fine volunteer regiment 
which he commanded at First Bull Run, where he attracted favor- 
able attention by his soldierly bearing and military skill in handling 
his men under fire until he fell severely wounded and was borne from 

119 



Gbe ftwelftb Corps 

the field. As a brigade general he won further honors in the 
Peninsular campaign, and at Gaines's Mill the division which he 
then commanded helped materially to save the fortunes of the day 
by its timely arrival and good fighting. 

This officer, so well and favorably known throughout the army, 
was Major-General Henry W. Slocum, a division commander in the 
Sixth Corps, and on him the War Department conferred the high 
honor of an appointment to fill the vacancy in the command of the 
Twelfth Corps. The admirable manner in which he discharged the 
trust thus confided to him, together with the history of the gallant 
troops assigned to his command, forms the theme and purpose of 
the following pages. 

Ebe twelfth Gorpe. 

The history of the Twelfth Corps does not begin properly with 
the date when it received that designation, but with the prior record 
of the troops that composed it at that time. Without any material 
difference in its organization it had previously been known officially 
as the Fifth Corps of the Army of the Potomac, and then as the 
Second Corps of the Army of Virginia, before it was designated as 
the Twelfth. 

The regiments from which the corps was originally organized, 
having enlisted promptly at the first call to arms, were the ones 
assigned to duty at Harpers Ferry to save that strategic point, and 
stationed also along the Upper Potomac to guard the line of the 
Baltimore and Ohio Railroad and the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal. 
During the summer of 1861 these same troops occupied the Shen- 
andoah Valley and participated in the operations around Winchester. 
Though no general engagement occurred, these troops carried on an 
active campaign in which they made long fatiguing marches and 
encountered the enemy in frequent skirmishes, an experience that 
furnished the necessary training for the more arduous and heroic 
work in which they were destined to take a prominent part. 

On July 25, 1861, shortly after the battle of First Bull Run, 
Gen. N. P. Banks assumed command of the Department of the 
Shenandoah, with headquarters at Harpers Ferry, relieving General 
Patterson who returned to Pennsylvania with the three-months 
troops of his command. The remaining regiments, which had 

190 



Gbe ttwelftb Corps 

enlisted for three years or during the war, were organized into three 
brigades which constituted what was known as Banks's Division. 

On March 8, 1862, President Lincoln directed that the various 
divisions forming the Army of the Potomac should be organized into 
five army corps, of which the Fifth should be composed of Williams's 
and Shields 's divisions and placed under command of General Banks. 
These two divisions were composed of regiments, for a large part, 
that served in these same commands throughout the war — noticeably 
the Second Massachusetts, Third Wisconsin, Fifth Connecticut, 
Twenty-seventh Indiana, Twenty-eighth New York and Forty-sixth 
Pennsylvania of Williams's Division; and the Fifth, Seventh, 
Twenty-ninth, and Sixty-sixth Ohio, and the Twenty-eighth and 
Twenty-ninth Pennsylvania of Shields's (afterwards Geary's) Divi- 
sion, together with Best's, Hampton's, Cothran's and Knap's bat- 
teries of the artillery. General Williams, an officer of exceptional 
ability, remained in command of this division throughout the war, 
and at times he was placed temporarily in command of the Twelfth 
and Twentieth Corps.* 

Uernstown. 

The first general engagement in which the troops of Banks's 
Corps participated was the battle of Kernstown, or Winchester, 
March 23, 1862, where Shields's Division achieved a signal victory 
over the Confederate forces under Gen. Thomas J. Jackson, better 
known perhaps as "Stonewall Jackson." 

Kernstown is a little hamlet in the Shenandoah Valley, about 
three miles south of Winchester. Jackson hearing that Union 
troops were being withdrawn from the Valley to reinforce McClellan 
attempted a threatening demonstration for the purpose of preventing 
any further movement of that kind, and proceeded to occupy a 
strong position on a ridge at Kernstown. Shields who was holding 
Winchester with his division moved out promptly and attacked the 

* General Alpheus S. Williams was born Sept. 20, 1810, in Saybrook, Ct. Graduated from 
Yale College, 1831; and from Yale Law School, 1834. After spending three years abroad in 
travel he returned and settled in Detroit, Mich., where he commenced the practice of law. He 
served in the Mexican War as lieutenant-colonel of the First Michigan Volunteers. In April, 
1861, he was appointed, by the governor of Michigan, brigadier-general of the troops of that 
State then enlisting for the war, and was placed in command of the camp of instruction at Fort 
Wayne, Michigan. Commissioned brigadier-general U. S. Volunteers, August 9, 1861, with 
rank from May 17, 1861; and brevet major-general, Jan. 12, 1865. Mustered out in January, 
1866. Minister Resident to the Republic of Salvador, 1866-69. Member of Congress, 1874-1878. 
Died Dec. 21, 1878. 

121 



£bc ftwclftb Corps 

enemy, driving him from the field, whence the Confederates retreated 
up the Valley. General Shields was severely wounded in the pre- 
liminary skirmishing on the evening of the twenty-second, and was 
obliged to turn the command over to Col. Nathan Kimball, who 
directed the fighting during the entire battle of the twenty-third. 

Soon after the engagement was over General Banks, with one 
brigade of Williams's Division, reinforced Kimball, and joining in the 
pursuit followed Jackson up the Valley as far as Cedar Creek where 
he halted for the night. The Confederates continued their retreat 
southward, but fell back slowly, making an occasional stand at favor- 
able points and burning bridges wherever it was necessary to retard 
pursuit. Banks followed cautiously as far as New Market, where he 
arrived April seventeenth, and, establishing his headquarters there, 
pushed his advance on to Harrisonburg, while Jackson took position 
at Swift Run Gap, one of the nearest passes in the Blue Ridge. 

In the battle of Kernstown Shields's Division had three brigades, 
containing, in all, thirteen regiments of infantry, five batteries of 
light artillery, and some detachments of cavalry. The casualties on 
the Union side were, 118 killed, 450 wounded, and 22 missing; total 
590. Of this loss, 157 occurred in the Fifth, Seventh, and Twenty- 
ninth Ohio regiments. 

Jackson carried into action three brigades, containing nine regi- 
ments and one battalion of infantry; also, twenty-seven pieces of 
artillery, of which eighteen were engaged. He reported his loss 
officially at 80 killed, 375 wounded, and 263 missing; total, 718. 
The Confederates lost two pieces of artillery, and three caissons. 
Jackson was largely outnumbered, as he had not so many regiments 
as Shields, and, furthermore, as shown by the official reports, his 
regiments were much smaller than those opposed to him. He 
states that his infantry numbered 3,087, all told, of which 2,742 
were engaged. 

As this was the first success that had fallen to the Union Army 
in the Shenandoah Valley there was great rejoicing in the North, 
and Shields, together with his troops, were the recipients of enthu- 
siastic congratulations. 

TOncbester. 

Banks's Corps had advanced southward up the Shenandoah 
Valley as far as Harrisonburg, where it encamped for three weeks 
in close proximity to the enemy. The two divisions, together with 
the cavalry brigade attached, numbered 12,600 effectives. At this 

122 



£be Gwelftb Corpe 

time the Army of the Potomac, under General McClellan, was 
advancing on Richmond by the Peninsular route, while McDowell's 
Corps held the line of the Rappahannock at Fredericksburg, ready 
to co-operate with him. 

Although Jackson had suffered a signal defeat at Kernstown, 
the Richmond authorities were highly pleased with the activity he 
had displayed, because they believed that it would prevent any fur- 
ther detachment of troops from the Union forces in the Shenandoah 
for the reinforcement of McClellan or McDowell ; in fact Williams's 
Division was already on its way to Centreville when the fighting at 
Kernstown necessitated its return to the Valley. To enable Jack- 
son to continue the operations which served to neutralize the large 
number of Union troops in Western Virginia, Ewell's Division was 
transferred to his command, giving Jackson a force of over 15,000 
men with which to operate against either Banks or Fremont. 

On May first Shields's Division was ordered out of the Valley 
and transferred to McDowell's command, a serious error, as shown 
by subsequent events, for this division had to return soon in order 
to again confront the tireless, ubiquitous Jackson. General Banks 
found himself seriously weakened by this withdrawal of the greater 
part of his force, for Williams had already lost one of his brigades 
— Abercrombie's — which had been detached just before the battle 
of Kernstown and ordered to join McDowell. In view of Jackson's 
reinforcement Banks could no longer hold safely the advanced line 
at Harrisonburg, and hence he withdrew on May fourteenth to Stras- 
burg, where he occupied a partly fortified position eighteen miles 
south of Winchester. 

Banks's force consisted now of Williams's Division, composed of 
two infantry brigades; First Brigade (Donnelly 's) — Fifth Connecti- 
cut, Tenth Maine, Twenty-eighth New York, Forty-sixth Pennsyl- 
vania and First Maryland; Third Brigade (Gordon's) — Second 
Massachusetts, Twenty-ninth Pennsylvania, Twenty-seventh Indi- 
ana, Third Wisconsin, and a company of Zouaves d'Afrique; 
Artillery — Cothran's, Hampton's, Best's (U. S.) and Knap's 
batteries, and a brigade of cavalry under Gen. John P. Hatch. The 
cavalry, attached and unattached, included three full regiments and 
three of five companies each. In all, the corps numbered about 
7,576 effective strength. 

Jackson, with his own division and that of Ewell, was waiting in 
the Upper Valley for a favorable opportunity to surprise Banks and 

123 



Gbe Gwelftb Corps 

drive him northward across the Potomac. The combined forces 
of the Confederates included twenty-seven regiments and two bat- 
talions of infantry; twelve batteries of light artillery: two regi- 
ments of cavalry and a mounted command of partisan rangers 
under Col. Turner Ashby. The entire force numbered about 
14,000 officers and men available for active duty. 

At the important outpost of Front Royal, near one of the 
mountain passes in the Blue Ridge through which ran the railroad 
to Manassas, General Banks had stationed a small force consisting 
of the first Maryland Infantry, two companies of the Twenty- 
ninth Pennsylvania Infantry, one section of Knap's Pennsylvania 
Battery, a detachment of the Fifth New York Cavalry, and Capt. 
Mapes's company of pioneers, all under command of Col. John R. 
Kenly of the First Maryland. 

Jackson's entire force moved down the Valley through Luray, 
and screened from observation by the movements of Ashby 's cavalry 
and the high wall of the Massanutten Mountains, attacked Kenly 's 
command on May twenty-third, effecting a complete surprise. The 
advancing column arrived within one and a half miles of Front 
Royal before the alarm was given, and then, at two o'clock p. M. , 
the Union pickets were captured or rapidly driven in, Jackson 
having selected for this purpose the First Maryland Confederate 
Infantry. The little garrison made a spirited but brief resistance in 
which Kenly was wounded and the greater part of his command 
captured, including the two guns of Knap's Battery, not, however, 
until they had inflicted considerable loss on the enemy. 

As it was evident that Jackson's objective point was Winches- 
ter, where he could place himself in the rear of the Union forces in 
the Valley, Banks fell back from Strasburg to that place on the 
twenty-fourth, having a shorter route than that of his antagonist. 
Still the withdrawal of the troops, encumbered as they were with 
a train of over five hundred wagons, together with crowds of fugi- 
tive civilians, refugees and negroes, was a difficult task. Frequent 
halts were necessary in order to beat off the enemy's cavalry which 
endeavored to pierce the moving column at various points and get 
possession of the pike. But such was the discipline and efficiency 
in the infantry of Williams's Division, combined with frequent 
dashes of the Union cavalry, that, although marching parallel with 
and in sight of the enemy, each attack was repelled, and the 
eighteen miles to Winchester were covered without serious loss. 

124 



Gbc Swelftb Gorpe 

At times the teamsters became frightened by the charges of Ashby's 
troopers or the shelling from Jackson's batteries, and as a result 
some wagons were overturned in the confusion or left by the way. 
It was well into the night before the last of the train reached Win- 
chester, and then the soldiers, weary with fighting and marching, 
moved to the respective positions assigned them for the battle which 
all knew must be fought on the morrow to ensure the safety of the 
trains, that had thirty-five miles yet to go before they would be safe 
beyond the Potomac at Williamsport. 

During the night the Confederate columns closed in around Win- 
chester, and at daylight the battle opened by driving in the Union 
pickets, while a rapid fire of artillery was maintained by each side. 
General Banks had formed his troops on the south side of the town, 
Donnelly's Brigade on the left and Gordon's on the right, with his 
cavalry well thrown out on either flank, and soon the rattle of 
musketry told that the line was being pressed throughout its entire 
length. But Banks and Williams had not hoped to do more than 
retard the advance of the superior force opposed to them, and so, 
after holding the enemy in check for five hours, their troops fell 
back through the town and followed in the rear of the trains on the 
Martinsburg Pike, the infantry moving in three parallel columns 
with a strong rear guard for each. 

Still, the harassing attacks of the enemy threw the retreating 
troops into serious disorder at times. One of these affairs occurred 
some five miles beyond Winchester, in which Banks appealed 
earnestly to the men to rally and make a stand. " My God, men, 
don't you love your country? " he pleaded. " Yes," cried a soldier, 
"and I am trying to get to it as fast as I can. " * 

The Confederate pursuit was not so persistent but that Banks's 
wearied troops were able to take a rest of two hours or more at 
Martinsburg, after which they pushed on to the shore of the Poto- 
mac, opposite Williamsport, arriving there at nightfall. They had 
marched and convoyed their wagon trains from Strasburg, a distance 
of fifty-three miles, thirty-five of which were covered in one day. 
There was no bridge at Williamsport, and the improvised ferries 
would have been wholly inadequate to the safe conduct of the troops 
had they been attacked; but no enemy appeared, and the corps with 
its trains, artillery and material, crossed safely into Maryland, where 
the men were enabled to take the rest so sadly needed. 

* History of the Third Wisconsin. By Adjutant Edwin E. Bryant. Madison. 1891. 

195 



£bc Gwclftb Corps 

In the engagement at Winchester and the fighting incidental to 
the retreat from Strashurg to that place, including also Kenly's 
losses at Front Royal, the total casualties were 62 killed, 243 
wounded, and 1,714 captured or missing; total, 2,019. Of the cap- 
tured, G85 were taken prisoners at Front Royal, and 344 others 
were reported from the various cavalry commands. Of the 500 
wagons in the train 55 were captured, abandoned or burned; of 
other vehicles the quartermaster reported a loss of 48, including 1 1 
ambulances. The greatest loss of any regiment in killed and 
wounded fell to the lot of the Second Massachusetts. 

Jackson states his loss at Front Royal and Winchester as 08 
killed, 329 wounded, and 3 missing; total, 400. These figures indi- 
cate that, so far as the fighting went, Banks's troops held their own 
remarkably well under the circumstances, and inflicted as great a 
loss as they received. In addition to the prisoners captured, 750 
sick and wounded in the hospitals at Winchester and Strasburg fell 
into the hands of the victorious Confederates. 

Having driven the Union forces from the Shenandoah Valley, 
Jackson improved the opportunity to make a threatening demon- 
stration against Harpers Ferry, and create an impression that his 
army, the strength of which had been greatly exaggerated by his 
opponents, was about to invade Maryland and march against the 
National Capital. Though he failed to rout, disperse, or capture 
Banks's Corps, he achieved other results that were valuable to the 
Confederacy and far reaching in their effect. The War Department 
at Washington was thrown into a panic of wild apprehension; troops 
en route for McClellan's army were hurried to other points; Union 
generals stationed with their commands at various points in Virginia 
and West Virginia sent clamorous despatches to Washington invok- 
: ing aid and reinforcements, asserting that Jackson was in their front 
ready to attack, whereas in some instances he was fifty miles away ; 
McDowell's Corps was withdrawn from Fredericksburg and after 
much telegraphing and correspondence was hurried by rail and on 
foot to Front Royal; and, whether for good or bad, McDowell was 
prevented from joining McClellan at Hanover Court House as 
previously arranged. 

On May thirtieth Jackson, withdrawing from the position which 
he then held in front of Harpers Ferry and where his command had 
done some fighting with the garrison at that post, commenced his 
return march southward and up the Valley. He encountered Fre- 

]26 



Gbe Gwelftb Corps 

mont in a general engagement at Cross Keys, June eighth, and the 
next day fought Shields at Port Republic. In the latter affair the 
brunt of the fighting and three-fourths of the loss fell on Tyler's 
Brigade, composed of the Fifth, Seventh, Twenty-ninth and Sixty- 
sixth Ohio Infantry, the same command which afterwards won 
additional laurels as Candy's Brigade, of Geary's Division, Twelfth 
Corps. Leaving Fremont to do whatever he liked the Confederate 
forces marched to Weyer's Cave, whence, after a brief encampment, 
they moved on June seventeenth toward Richmond, and Jackson 
left the valley, never to fight there again. Banks's Corps was also 
ordered to Eastern Virginia, and they too bid a lasting good bye to 
the scenes of their previous campaigns. 

Ceoar HDountain ano flDanassae. 

After its retreat from Strasburg Banks's Corps remained on the 
north side of the Potomac, in the vicinity of Williamsport, until 
June tenth, a delay due in part to the heavy rains and swollen con- 
dition of the river. The men enjoyed a much needed rest, and an 
opportunity was afforded to refit the column preparatory to resuming 
the campaign. While at Williamsport a nice looking old gentleman 
in the uniform of a brigadier came to camp and presented instructions 
from the War Department placing him — Gen. George S. Greene — 
in command of Gordon's Brigade. He retained this command for 
a short time only, as Gordon was soon promoted brigadier for 
meritorious service in the preceding campaign and, on June twenty- 
fifth, was restored to his position. But we shall hear a good deal 
more about this same General Greene before we are through with 
the records of the Twelfth Corps.* 

The river having subsided the corps recrossed, the regimental 
bands playing the then popular tune of "Carry me back to Ole 
Virginny," and moved southward by easy marches up the Valley. 

The return to Winchester revived the bitter hatred with which 
the soldiers regarded the citizens on account of the treatment 
received from the people during the recent retreat through the 
streets of that town. The soldiers asserted that some of their com- 

* Gen. George Sears Greene was born in Rhode Island, May 6, 1801; graduated at West 
Point in 1823, second in his class. Resigned from the army in 1836 and became a civil engineer. 
Reentered the army in 1862 as colonel of the 60th New York, and was appointed brigadier- 
general of volunteers, April 28, 1862. Brevetted major-general, Mch. 13, 1865. Retired from 
the array in 1866. He was 62 years old at the time of his famous defense of Culp's Hill at 
Gettysburg. Died Jan. 28, 1899. 

127 



tjbc Gwclftb Corps 

rades had been killed by shots fired from houses along the line of 
march. But they resented most the scandalous action of the Win- 
chester dames, who from the upper windows hurled upon them 
objectionable articles of bedroom crockery. In two regiments of, 
Greene's Brigade the men were outspoken in their threats to burn 
certain houses which they specially remembered. 

The wise old brigadier heard, but said nothing. Just before 
entering the town he issued orders that the troops should march 
through the streets in column of fours, and that no officer or man 
should leave the ranks for any reason whatever. As they entered 
the place the two disaffected regiments found themselves flanked by 
other troops closely on each side, and they were marched through 
Winchester without a halt, out into the fields beyond, feeling and 
looking more like a lot of captured prisoners than the gay, fighting 
fellows that they were. They cursed ' ' Old Greene ' ' in muttered 
tones, but soon forgot it, guessed he was all right, and in time 
cheered the general as noisily as any other regiments in the brigade. 

The corps arrived at Front Royal on the eighteenth, where it 
relieved McDowell's troops, which had been hurried to this point 
during the Jackson scare. The corps rested quietly here for three 
weeks, during which it was strengthened by the accession of Sigel's 
Division, these troops having been assigned to Banks's command to 
make good the loss occasioned by the transfer of Shields to the 
Department of the Rappahannock. This reinforcement, destined 
to remain permanently as the Second Division — and known subse- 
quently as Geary's Division — was composed of regiments that had 
been sent from Washington to the defense of Harpers Ferry during 
the recent campaign. It included the Sixtieth, Seventy-eighth and 
One Hundred and Second New York, the Third Maryland, and the 
One Hundred and Ninth and One Hundred and Eleventh Pennsyl- 
vania Infantry — six well-drilled regiments and good fighters, that, 
with one exception,* served in the corps until the end of the war. 
An official report, dated June 23, 1862, shows the following force 
as " present for duty " at that time: 

Williams's Division: Infantry, 4,814 men; artillery, sixteen 
guns and 284 men; cavalry, 484 men. Aggregate, 5,582 men. 

Sigel's Division : Infantry, 5,220 men; artillery, nine guns and 
197 men; cavalry, 853 men. Aggregate, 6,050 men. 

•The 3d Maryland was transferred to the Ninth Corps in May, 1864. Tyler's Brigade — 
5th, 7th, 29th, and 66th Ohio — and 28th Pennsylvania were not in this division at this time. 
128 



XTbc ftwdftb Corp0 

Hatch's Cavalry Brigade, 1,979 men. 

Aggregate: Infantry, 10,034 men; artillery, twenty-five guns 
and 481 men; cavalry, 3,116 men. Grand total, 13,631. 

On June 26, 1862, the War Department ordered that the forces 
under Major-Generals Fremont, Banks and McDowell should be con- 
solidated and form one army, to be called the Army of Virginia, 
and placed under command of Major-General John Pope; that the 
troops under General Fremont should constitute the First Army 
Corps; that the designation of Banks's Corps should be changed 
from the Fifth to that of the Second Corps, Army of Virginia; and 
that the troops under McDowell should form the Third Corps of 
this newly constituted army. Fremont, who had hitherto been 
provided with an independent command, known as the Mountain 
Department, refused to serve in what he deemed a subordinate 
position, and asked to be relieved, assigning as a reason that he 
outranked General Pope. His request was granted, and General 
Sigel was assigned to the command of his corps. The vacancy 
caused by this promotion was filled by the assignment of Brig. Gen. 
C. C. Augur to the command of the Second Division. 

On Sunday, July sixth, Banks's troops — now the Second Corps, 
Army of Virginia — broke camp at Front Royal and started on 
their march through the Blue Ridge to Eastern Virginia and the 
theatre of Pope's campaign. Moving by easy stages the troops 
reached Little Washington on the seventeenth, and encamped along 
the turnpike between S perry ville and Warrenton, with one brigade 
— Crawford's — stationed well to the front at Culpeper. Here 
daily drills were resumed, and there was a review by General Pope. 
Orders were received cutting down the amount of baggage and 
transportation, and shelter tents were issued, the latter constituting 
a well-remembered epoch in the life of each soldier. This article 
of equipment — "pup tent," as called by the men — had already 
been in use in the Peninsular campaign. Pope's army lay along a 
line extending from Warrenton through Sperryville to Luray, with 
Gordonsville as his objective, where he hoped to break the railroad 
communications with Richmond. 

Banks's cavalry force, which was brigaded under the command 
of Gen. John P. Hatch, had already commenced operations against 
the railroad line when events occurred that placed Pope on the 
defensive. General McClellan having transferred his forces to the 

9 129 



£be {Twelfth Corps 

James River, General Lee, on July thirteenth, ordered Jackson's 
and Ewell's divisions to Gordonsville, and on the twenty-seventh 
reinforced them with the division of Gen. A. P. Hill. While Lee, 
with the main body of the Confederate army in the defences of 
Richmond, awaited some evidence of McClellan's intention, Jackson 
assumed the offensive against Pope, whose forces, superior in num- 
bers, occupied the country to the north of the Rapidan. 

The Confederates crossed the Rapidan August eighth, and 
advancing on the Culpeper road went into position along Cedar Run, 
a small stream that skirts the base of Slaughter's Mountain. This 
mountain was erroneously called Cedar Mountain in the war corre- 
spondence and official reports on the Union side, and the battle which 
ensued has gone into history under that name. In the Confederate 
reports the battle is named Cedar Run. Banks's cavalry fell back 
slowly before Jackson's advance. Crawford's Brigade of infantry 
was sent out from Culpeper to observe the enemy's movements, 
and assist in checking him, so far as possible, while the forces of 
Banks and Sigel, and one division of McDowell's, were rapidly con- 
centrating at Culpeper. 

On the morning of August ninth Banks's entire corps was 
ordered forward to support Crawford and meet the enemy — whether 
merely to retard his hostile advance, or give battle, was a matter 
which afterwards gave rise to serious dispute. The two divisions — 
Williams's and Augur's — left Culpeper about nine o'clock and 
moved forward at a rapid pace to Cedar Run. It was not a long 
march — only eight miles or so. But the day was still and cloudless, 
with the mercury in the nineties, and as the troops pushed along in 
the intense heat through clouds of dust, many fell from exhaustion 
and sunstroke. One man in the Second Massachusetts staggered 
out of the ranks, died, and was buried at the roadside. But there 
was a distant sound of firing ahead, and the regiments marched with 
well-closed fours and with no straggling other than that caused by 
exhausted nature. 

The head of the column arrived on the field at noon. Within 
the enemy's line rose the high, steep slopes of Slaughter's Mountain; 
but the battlefield was situated on the bottom ground to the north, 
and along the little stream — Cedar Run — which flows through it. 
Some of the Confederate artillery was posted on the mountain side, 
the elevation affording an advantageous position that commanded a 

130 



£be Swelftb Corps 

portion of the field, although at long range. There was the usual 
preliminary firing from batteries here and there, and exchange of 
shots along the picket line, but it was five o'clock before the engage- 
ment became general. 

Banks formed his lines with Williams's Division on the right, 
and Augur's on the left. The brigades, running from right to left 
were in the following order : Gordon, Crawford, Geary, Prince, and 
Greene. They numbered, all told, 8,030 officers and men. 

Jackson went into position with Ewell's Division on his right, 
Winder's on the left, and A. P. Hill's, which had not arrived when 
the battle opened, as a reserve. These troops were not all engaged ; 
but the Confederate forces on the field and in the fight numbered 
16,8(58 effectives.* 

At five o'clock, the artillery and skirmish firing having become 
severe, Banks ordered Crawford's Brigade forward to the attack, 
where it encountered Campbell's Brigade of Winder's Division, and 
the engagement soon became general throughout the length of the 
Union line.t A description in detail of the movements of the con- 
testing forces does not belong properly within the limited province 
of this history ; nor would it be of interest to the general reader. A 
noted writer once said that there was nothing so tiresome as the 
accounts of the tactical movements of brigades and divisions on a 
battlefield. Let it suffice here to state that in the opening attack by 
Crawford's Brigade and regiments of other commands, the Confed- 
erate line was driven back in disorder at several points ; that Jackson, 
ordering forward fresh brigades, regained the ground over which 
Banks's troops had so gallantly fought; that the battle raged with 
varying success on either side until, outflanked and overpowered, the 
Union line was driven back, leaving its dead and wounded behind 
and the enemy in possession of the field. 

Nightfall prevented any further fighting, and Banks, availing 
himself of the welcome darkness, restored his shattered lines and 



•Numbers and Losses in the Civil War. Col. Thomas L. Livermore. Boston: Houghton, 
Mifflin & Co. 1901. 

+ " Musketry scarcely ever sounded to us as intense and wicked as it did at Cedar Mountain. 
During Hooker's fierce onslaught at Antietam, or Sickles's desperate resistance at Gettysburg, 
both of which we were near enough to hear very distinctly, the volume of musketry was greater. 
It was evident that more men were engaged. But this evening at Cedar Mountain the firing 
seemed unusually energetic and terrifying." [History of the Twenty-seventh Indiana. By 
Edmund R. Brown.] 

131 



£be Gwclftb Corpe 

made ready to resume the contest if necessary. But the sound of 
the battle had reached the ears of General Pope, and Ricketts's 
Division, of McDowell's Corps, had been hurried from Culpeper to 
the front. Arriving on the field at the close of the engagement, 
some of Ricketts's batteries went into position and opened an effec- 
tive fire on the Confederate lines, while his infantry threw out a 
strong skirmish line that warned the enemy of this reinforcement. 

Jackson held the field for two days, during which he buried his 
dead and granted a flag of truce to enable the Union general to 
discharge the same sad duties and to care for his wounded. Then, 
without making any effort to advance its line, the Confederate army 
retreated to Gordonsville. Banks's Corps had defeated Jackson's 
avowed plan to be at Culpeper on August ninth. 

The roster of regiments, with the casualties in each, was : 

Battle of Ceoar fl&ountatn, IDa., Hugust 9, 1862. 

Second Corps, Army of Virginia. 
Maj.-Gen. N. P. Banks. 

First Division. 
Beig.-Gen. Alpheus S. Williams. 





Killed. 


Wounded.* 


Missing. 


Aggregate. 


First Brigade. 










Brig. Gen. S. W. Crawford. 










5th Connecticut, - - - - 


21 


71 


145 


237 


10th Maine, 


24 


145 


4 


173 


28th New York, - - - - 


21 


79 


113 


213 


46th Pennsylvania, - 


31 


102 


111 


244 


Third Brigade. 










Brig. Gen. George H. Gordon. 










27th Indiana, - - - - 


15 


29 


6 


50 


2nd Massachusetts, - - - 


40 


93 


40 


173 


29th Pennsylvania, t - 


- 


- 


- 


- 


3rd Wisconsin, ... 


17 


66 


25 


108 


Co. Zouaves d'Afrique, ... 


2 


3 


8 


13 



• Including the mortally wounded. From returns made the day after the battle. 
t Absent on detached service. 
1SS 



Sbe Gwelftb Corps 

Second Division. 
Brig. -Gen. Christopher C. Augur. 





Killed. 


Wounded. * 


Missing. 


Aggregate. 


First Brigade. 










Brig. Gen. John W. Geary. 










5th Ohio, 


14 


104 


4 


122 


7th Ohio, ----- 


31 


149 


2 


182 


29th Ohio, - 


6 


50 


10 


66 


66th Ohio, ----- 


10 


81 


3 


94 


28th Pennsylvania, f - 


- 


- 


- 


- 


Second Brigade. 










Brig. Gen. Henry Prince. 










3rd Maryland, - 


12 


42 


16 


70 


102nd New York, 


15 


85 


15 


115 


109th Pennsylvania, 


14 


72 


28 


114 


111th Pennsylvania, - 


7 


74 


9 


90 


8th U. S. Infantry, ) 
12th U. S. Infantry, ) 


8 


37 


15 


60 


Third Brigade. 










Brig. Gen. George S. Greene. 










1st District Columbia, 


- 


3 


1 


4 


78th New York, - 






22 


22 


Staff, - 


2 


2 


3 


7 


Artillery, - ... 


7 


27 


6 


40 


Cavalry Escort, - 


5 


5 


8 


18 


Total, Banks's Corps, - 


302 


1,319 


594 


2,215 



Cavalry Brigade, - - 
Ricketts's Division, - 


10 

2 


45 
80 


9 
20 


64 
102 


Grand total, 


314 


1,444 


623 


2,381 



The loss in Union officers was severe. Among the killed were 
Colonel Donnelly of the Twenty-eighth New York, Lieut. Col. 
Crane of the Third Wisconsin, and Major Savage of the Second 
Massachusetts. Generals Augur and Geary were severely wounded. 
In the Second Massachusetts six officers were killed and five wounded ; 
the Fifth Connecticut and Forty-sixth Pennsylvania lost eleven 



* Including the mortally wounded. From returns made the day after the battle. 
t Absent on detached service. 

133 



Gbc ftwclftb Corps 

officers each, killed or wounded. Of the brigade staff of General 
Prince, two officers were killed and one severely wounded, and the 
general was taken prisoner. Crawford's Brigade reported 88 officers 
and 1,(>79 men as "present in engagement; " it sustained a loss of 
867, killed, wounded, and missing, nearly fifty per cent. The 
Seventh Ohio carried 14 officers and 293 enlisted men into action; 
it lost 180 in killed and wounded and two missing,* over fifty-nine 
per cent. General Augur's wound necessitating his absence, General 
Greene succeeded temporarily to the command of the Second 
Division. 

The casualties in the Confederate army at Cedar Mountain as 
officially reported, by regiments, amounted to 223 killed, 1,000 
wounded, and 31 missing; total, 1,314. General Winder, who 
commanded Jackson's old division, was killed by a shell, and 133 
officers, field and line, were killed or wounded. 

Jackson had forty-five regiments and three battalions of infantry 
engaged — each of which reported losses — besides his artillery and 
cavalry. Banks had eighteen regiments of infantry only. 

Cedar Mountain came very near being a Union victory. The 
gallant, impetuous attack of Crawford's troops compelled Camp- 
bell's Brigade to "fall back in disorder," as Jackson expresses it; 
and Gen. A. P. Hill states that Winder's Brigade, ' ' being hard 
pressed, broke, and many fugitives came back," and that " quite a 
large portion of both Early's and Taliaferro's brigades had been 
thrown into confusion." But the great disparity in numbers made 
Union success impossible, and Banks's men were forced to yield 
possession of the field. 

And yet, something substantial was accomplished. Jackson's 
advance had been checked completely; he failed to occupy Culpeper 
as he intended, and he was obliged to recross the Rapidan and retreat 
to Gordonsville. The result of Banks's attack and his stubborn 
resistance furnished the only semblance of success that at any time 
attended Pope's ill-starred campaign. Halleck congratulated the 
general commanding on his "hard earned but brilliant success," 
and Pope announced in orders that " Cedar Mountain is only the 
first of a series of victories which shall make the Army of Virginia 
famous in the land." But the soldiers, whose thoughts reverted 

* These two men, as subsequently ascertained, were killed. 
134 



Sbc ftwelftb Corps 

to their dead and wounded comrades left in the enemy's hands, 
sneered at the order, and expressed surprise that their commander 
should hold such loose ideas as to what constituted a victory. 

If Pope had supported Banks with Ricketts's Division and 
Sigel's Corps he might have secured the victory which he claimed. 
Ricketts's command lay between Culpeper and Cedar Mountain all 
day August ninth, and within five miles, or less, of the field. But 
Pope says that "the fight was precipitated by Banks" contrary 
to orders, and that he should have waited until Sigel's arrival. 
Whether Jackson also would have courteously awaited Sigel's pleas- 
ure was a question that did not trouble the general commanding. 

General Banks interpreted his orders as meaning that he must 
fight. As delivered by an officer on General Pope's staff and reduced 
to writing they read that Banks should "deploy his skirmishers if 
the enemy approaches, and attack him immediately as soon as he 
approaches, and be reinforced from here." Dated at Culpeper, 
August 9, 1862. When Banks asked if there were any further 
orders Pope referred him to General Roberts of his staff, who was 
directed to go to the front and assist in selecting the line to be 
occupied. 

Although the corps commander was in no way responsible for 
the reverses which the Union Army had suffered in the Valley, he 
felt keenly the severe criticisms that had been made upon his opera- 
tions there. He had in mind also Pope's boastful pronunciamento 
of July fourteenth, that was construed everywhere as an unfavor- 
able reflection on the generals of the eastern army. So, when 
General Roberts, riding at his side, remarked significantly that 
' There must be no backing out this day," Banks determined to 
fight whenever and wherever the enemy appeared, and to fight hard.* 
Whatever General Pope may have thought of the matter, he was 
kind enough to state in his despatches four days later: " The behav- 
ior of Banks's Corps during the action was very fine. No greater 
gallantry and daring could be exhibited by any troops. I cannot 
speak too highly of the intrepidity and coolness of General Banks 
himself during the whole of the engagement. He was in the front 
and exposed as much as any man in his command." These words 
of commendation were certainly well merited. 



* Report of Committee on Conduct of the War. Testimony of Maj. Gen. N. P. Banks. 
Vol. Ill, p. 46. Washington: 1865. 

135 



Gbc Gvvelftb Corps 

During the operations that followed Cedar Mountain — the 
Manassas or Second Hull Run campaign — the corps did not par- 
ticipate in the actual righting to any great extent. Its artillery was 
engaged at times with creditahle success in some of the contests at 
the fords of the upper Rappahannock, and in the battle of Chantilly 
it moved up in close support of the firing line. Its principal duties 
were confined to guarding the lines of communication and the pro- 
tection of the supply trains, an important but inglorious task. In the 
course of this duty there were long, fatiguing marches, over dusty 
roads and under an August sun. There was much of hurrying 
to and fro under orders from army headquarters, some of which 
were useless and ill-advised; and, at times, the men suffered from 
lack of food and water. 

The main army was driven back within the defenses of Washing- 
ton, and on September second the corps arrived at Alexandria, 
where it halted and enjoyed a brief period of rest in safety. Here 
a general order was promulgated announcing that General McClellan 
was again at the head of the army. The news was received through- 
out the camps with loud cheers, and the feeling of despondency 
gave way to an enthusiastic hope of better things to come. 

General Pope was relieved of his command, and his three corps 
were transferred to the Army of the Potomac. The Army of Vir- 
ginia was no more. 

Hntietam. 

On September fourth the corps moved to Georgetown, and. 
crossing the Potomac on the aqueduct bridge, marched thence to 
Tenallytown, a village in the District of Columbia, near Washing- 
ton. The wagon train, with the camp equipage and other supplies 
necessary to the comfort of the troops, was found here, where it 
was awaiting their arrival. The brief stay at this place enabled the 
men to sleep in their tents, enjoy good food, get clean, and refit to 
some extent. 

Gen. Alpheus S. Williams, of the First Division, was in tempo- 
rary command of the corps. General Banks, whose ill-health at 
this time unfitted him for active service in the field, had been placed 
in charge of the defenses of Washington, and he took a final leave 
of the war-worn troops that had served so faithfully under him dur- 

136 




Z 
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I- 
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I 
O 
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I 
O 

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UJ 

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Ebe {Twelfth Corps 

ing the arduous campaigns of the past year. Though it does not 
appear that the men were ever enthusiastic in his favor, he had 
gained their respect, and when he left he carried with him their best 
wishes for his future welfare. Entering the service without any 
military training or experience, he had displayed a courageous bear- 
ing in action and shown an ability of no mean order in the manage- 
ment of affairs. Sadly hampered at times by interference with 
his plans, he was patient and uncomplaining, and in this respect 
the records of his official correspondence with the authorities at 
Washington contrast favorably with that of the other generals at 
the time. 

On the fifth Williams moved his command to Rockville, in Mary- 
land, sixteen miles from Washington. Here five new regiments 
joined the corps, — the Thirteenth New Jersey and One Hundred 
and Seventh New York, three-years men, assigned to Gordon's 
Brigade ; and three regiments of the nine-months levy • — the One 
Hundred and Twenty-fourth, One Hundred and Twenty-fifth, and 
One Hundred and Twenty-eighth Pennsylvania, which were placed 
in Crawford's Brigade, all in the First Division. These men, with 
their full ranks, clean uniforms and bright, new flags, were viewed 
with wonder and curiosity by the old campaigners. Each one of 
these regiments at dress parade showed a longer line than that of 
some veteran brigade. They still had some of the characteristics 
pertaining to raw recruits, having been in service but a month or 
so. They had attained, however, a commendable proficiency in 
drill, and in the great battle which soon followed it was noticed 
that they deployed under fire with steadiness, and faced the enemy 
with a cool courage that elicited praise in the official reports. 
Though the sound of their good-byes was still lingering in their 
northern homes, they were destined to fill scores of bloody graves 
before many days had passed. 

Lee's victorious army had crossed into Maryland. An invasion 
of the North was threatened. Washington and Baltimore were in 
danger. McClellan was busily engaged in reorganizing and strength- 
ening the shattered and defeated armies which had been turned over 
to his command in order to save the Capital and drive the exultant, 
confident enemv back into Virginia; 

137 



Zhc (Twelfth Corps 

While at Rockville the corps moved a short distance and formed 
line of battle. The preparations indicated that an attack was 
expected. But not a shot was heard; in fact, there was no enemy 
within many miles. The cause of this alarm was unknown at the 
time, and has remained so ever since; at least it does not appear in 
any record. It may have been ordered merely for the purposes of 
drill — perhaps to give the new regiments an opportunity to acquaint 
themselves with an important part of their tactical duties. 

In his advance through Maryland in pursuit of the enemy Gen- 
eral McClellan moved his army in three parallel columns, the two 
corps of Sumner and Williams having the central line of march. 
Leaving Rockville on the ninth, Williams advanced his troops to 
Middlebrook; the next day to Damascus, where they halted for two 
days; and thence on the twelfth to Ijamsville, a station on the Bal- 
timore and Ohio Railroad. 

The Twelfth Corps received its official designation as such on 
September 12, 1862, an important date in the history of this organi- 
zation. In General Orders, No. 129, of that date, the President 
directed that the Second Corps of the Army of Virginia should 
become the Twelfth Corps, Army of the Potomac. 

On the thirteenth the Twelfth Corps, as now designated in orders, 
moved from Ijamsville to Frederick, fording the Monocacy River on 
the way. It arrived there at noon and halted near the town. The 
men stacked arms in the same fields that were occupied the previous 
day by the Confederate division of Gen. D. H. Hill. Within a 
few minutes a soldier of the Twenty-seventh Indiana — Private B. 
W. Mitchell — picked up a piece of paper containing an order writ- 
ten at Confederate headquarters, which he promptly handed to Col. 
Silas Colgrove of that regiment. This lost despatch, so opportunely 
found, was immediately transmitted through the ordinary medium 
of communication to McClellan 's headquarters, where it was found 
to be a general order signed by Lee's adjutant-general, giving direc- 
tions for the movements of the entire Confederate army and thus 
revealing the plans of the enemy. Colgrove says that this paper 
when picked up was wrapped around three cigars.* 

Fully informed now as to the location and movement of each 
column in the Confederate army, McClellan gave immediate orders 

* Battles and Leaders of the Civil War. Vol. II, p. 603. Century Company, New York. 
138 



Gbc Gwelftb Corps 

for an advance, and overtaking them attacked their rear in the passes 
of the South Mountain. Here the enemy had made a determined 
stand, but he was defeated and driven out with serious loss. 

On the same day — the fourteenth — the Twelfth Corps moved 
forward also, and marching through Frederick the troops pushed on 
towards the front, where the fighting had already commenced. 
Behind them the Sabbath bells were ringing in the Frederick steeples, 
their peaceful sound mingling with the sullen boom of the artillery 
at South Mountain and Harpers Ferry. The march this day, 
though not a long one, was wearisome in the extreme. The roads 
were occupied by cavalry, artillery and ammunition trains. The 
infantry moved across fields and through tall standing corn, where 
the still, close air intensified the suffocating heat. Up and over the 
Catoctin Range they climbed and then marched down into the beau- 
tiful valley of the Catoctin Creek, wading this stream long after 
dark. It was past midnight when the head of the column reached 
the field, and went into position ready to begin the fighting at day- 
light if necessary. But the enemy retreated during the night, leaving 
his dead unburied on the field. 

Maj. Gen. Joseph K. F. Mansfield, an old officer of the Regular 
Army, had been assigned to the command of the Twelfth Corps, 
and he joined it on the morning of the fifteenth, the day after the 
battle of South Mountain, General Williams resuming charge of 
the First Division. Mansfield was a white bearded veteran of 
advanced years, who had served in the Mexican war with many 
honors, and wounds as well. Prior to joining the Twelfth Corps 
he had held important commands at Fort Monroe, Norfolk and 
Suffolk. His dignified,soldierly demeanor created a favorable impres- 
sion, and withal he had a kindly manner that appealed strongly to 
the men in the ranks. But fate had decreed that his term of com- 
mand was to be all too brief, that it was soon to end in a soldier's 
death. 

Resuming its march on the fifteenth the corps moved over the 
battlefield, thickly strewn Avith the ghastly evidences of the fighting 
on the previous day, and on into the valley of the Antietam Creek. 
While on the road there was a sound of cheering in the distance 
which swelled into a tumultuous roar as McClellan and his staff rode 
by. The men greeted him with enthusiastic shouts and tossed their 
hats wildly in the air. But when he passed the Third Wisconsin 

139 



Sbe Gwclftb dorps 

and Second Massachusetts, these regiments, with the strict ideas of 
discipline inculcated by their West Point colonels, made no noisy 
demonstration, but, preferring to give the general a marching salute, 
fell into step and went by at carry arms with eyes to the front. * 

The march this day led through the little hamlet of Boonsbor- 
ough, where the church and several houses had been converted into 
hospitals for the Confederate wounded, while along the roadside lay 
many of their dead. General Mansfield was sitting on his horse 
near a dead Confederate who was covered with a blanket, when a 
sergeant in one of the new regiments stepped out of the ranks and 
pulled aside the covering to look at the dead man's face. Mansfield 
spoke up quickly — "There, there, Sergeant! No idle curiosity! 
Don't uncover the face of the dead. You will soon have a chance 
to see all you want of them. ' ' And the first man shot that the 
sergeant saw was Mansfield himself. 

That night the corps bivouacked in the fields near Keedysville, 
not far from the Antietam Creek. The next morning — the six- 
teenth — brought orders to move, and line of battle was formed. 
Just over the low ridge of hills that skirted the stream a lively 
cannonade was in progress, that sounded as if it were close by. 
Hooker was shelling the enemy's lines on the farther side of the 
creek ; at times a brisk skirmish fire was heard. The gray haired 
corps commander as he rode along his line announced that they 
were going into battle immediately ; but his troops did no fighting 
that day. Everywhere the brigades and divisions of the other corps 
were going into position. As far as the view extended were regi- 
ments on regiments, many of them closed en masse on close column 
by division that looked like solid squares, with their colors in the 
center. It was a grand, a memorable sight. The hours passed 
quickly, and, in the fading light of a gorgeous sunset the men pre- 
pared their evening meal. Then, while the bugles were sounding 
sweet and clear from distant camps, they made their simple bivouac 
under the starlight and lay down to sleep. 

But their rest was short. At eleven o'clock the men were 
awakened and ordered to fall in quietly; they were instructed to 
make no noise. Silently and half asleep the column moved off in 
the darkness, and crossing the Antietam on one of the upper bridges 

* History of the Third Wisconsin. By Edwin E. Bryant. Madison: 1891. 
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arrived at their designated position after a three hours' march. The 
corps was now on the farm of J. Poffenberger, at the right of the 
Union army, and in rear and partly to the left of Hooker's Corps. 
A heavy dew was falling, but the men threw themselves down in 
the wet grass for a few hours of sleep. They were soon startled 
from their heavy slumbers by a volley of musketry that rang out 
noisily on the night air from a piece of woods close by. It was an 
accidental collision between the Confederate pickets of Hood's 
Division and a regiment of the Pennsylvania Reserves. Nothing 
came of it, and soon all was quiet again. 

Wednesday, September 17, 1862 — the day of the battle of 
Antietam. No bugle in the Twelfth Corps sounded reveille that 
morning; the call had already been sounded by the rifles of the 
skirmishers as they rang out sharp and clear on the morning air. 
This firing commenced at daylight — so early that the musketry 
showed a red flash in the dim mist that overhung the fields and 
woods. The dropping fire of the skirmish line was soon followed 
by heavy volleys intermingled with a rapid, continuous discharge of 
light artillery. Hooker, with his First Corps, had opened the bat- 
tle by making a vigorous attack on the enemy's left. 

Aroused by this heavy firing in its immediate front the Twelfth 
Corps fell into line. By Mansfield's orders the regiments were 
formed in column by division, closed en masse, with the exception 
of some of the new ones, which, on account of their full ranks, 
were formed in close column by companies. In this formation the 
troops moved forward up onto the plateau, where the First Corps 
was battling hard to retain possession of the ground which it had 
gained in its opening attack, and halted in close support of Hooker's 
line. It was now about six o'clock in the morning. 

General Lee had selected for his position, in which to make a 
stand against the Union advance, the high ground situated on the 
tongue of land that lies between the Potomac and Antietam Creek, 
just north of the confluence of these streams. The ground sloped 
in front to the Antietam, and on the rear to the Potomac, on which 
the left of his line rested. His right ended at the creek, a short 
distance below the stone bridge — subsequently known as Burnside's 
bridge — and not far from where this stream empties into the 
Potomac. The general direction of the line was north and south. 
Parallel with it and a short distance within ran the stone pike 

141 



Gbe Gwclftb Corps 

known as the Hagerstown Road. Near the south end of the Con- 
federate position and protected by it was the village of Sharpsburg. 
At the centre, by the road, was a small brick building, known as 
the Dunker Church. Standing in the edge of the woods, without 
a spire or belfry, it resembled a country schoolhouse. Around and 
in front of this church the battle raged fiercely all day; it was the 
Hougoumontof that Held. Jackson was in command of the Con- 
federate left wing, with the divisions of Ewell, J. R. Jones, A. P. 
Hill and D. H. Hill; the right wing, under Longstrect, comprised 
the divisions of McLaws, D. R. Jones, Walker and Hood. Some 
of these troops did not arrive on the field until after the battle 
was in progress. 

On the Union side the First Corps (Hooker's), supported by the 
Twelfth, was on the right; the Second Corps (Sumner's) supported 
by the Sixth (Franklin's), occupied the centre; and the Ninth (Burn- 
side's), on the east side of the Antietam, held the left. The Fifth 
Corps (Porter's), on the east side also, was held in reserve. Frank- 
lin's troops — the leading division — arrived on the field at ten 
o'clock. 

It was between six and seven o'clock in the morning that 
Hooker, in his contest with Ewell, found himself unable to make 
farther progress, owing to the reinforcements sent against him. He 
called on the Twelfth Corps for help. Mansfield, who had been 
personally superintending the deployment of the new regiments, 
ordered Williams's Division to the assistance of the First Corps, 
and then, deploying Greene's Division, put these veteran troops into 
action on Hooker's left. 

Williams advanced in fine style, with Gordon's Brigade on his 
left and Crawford's extending on the right to the Hagerstown Road. 
One of Crawford's regiments — the Tenth Maine — passing to the 
left of the division, advanced to the woods on the east side of the 
turnpike, opposite the Dunker Church, and made a brisk fight for 
the possession of this vantage ground. General Mansfield, while 
directing the fire of these men, was mortally wounded and borne to 
the rear,* while his riderless horse galloped wildly back and forth 
over the ploughed field where this occurred. General Williams was 
now in command of the corps; and right well he discharged his 



* History of the Tenth Maine. By Major John M. Gould. Portland: Stephen Berry. 1871. 
142 







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duties during all the intricate movements and desperate fighting of 
the day. 

Three regiments of Gordon's Brigade — Twenty-seventh Indiana, 
Third Wisconsin, and Second Massachusetts — encountered, in the 
famous cornfield, Wofford's Brigade of Hood's Division, inflicting 
on these opponents one of the bloodiest losses in the war. The 
Second was placed where it could deliver an effective cross fire. 
Colonel Work, of the First Texas, one of Wofford's regiments, 
states in his official report that he lost his colors, while his casualty 
return shows a loss in killed and wounded of eighty-two per cent of 
the number in action.* 

But Gordon's brave fellows suffered terribly also. Colonel Col- 
grove, of the Twenty-seventh, reports that of the 443 in line with his 
colors, 209 were hit, or 47 per cent; and Colonel Ruger, of the 
Third Wisconsin states that of the 340 officers and men carried into 
the fight he lost 198, or 58 per cent. The Second Massachusetts cap- 
tured the colors of the Eleventh Mississippi, of Hood's Division, 
taken by Sergeant Wheat, of Company E. And this was the kind 
of men that fought under the flags of the Twelfth Corps. 

While this contest was being waged, in which the troops of 
Hooker and Mansfield had steadily forced the Confederates back 
and across the pike into the woods around the Dunker Church, 
Greene's Division was doing equally good work farther to the left 
and south. These troops, under their veteran leader — a hero of 
two wars — had advanced rapidly and driven the enemy out of the 
large grove situated on the east side of the pike. A lane — Smoke- 
town Road — fenced on each side, runs from the church to this 
grove, a distance of fifty rods or more. Some historians of the battle 
designate this locality as the East Woods. 

Passing through these woods Greene halted a short time in the 
fields beyond, while his men replenished their cartridge boxes. He 
then wheeled his line to the right to meet an advancing body of the 
enemy's troops, and, attacking them fiercely, drove them across the 
pike into the West Woods, around the church. His division secured 
a lodgment and held it for a long time ; but, with the failure of the 
attack made by Sedgwick's Division of the Second Corps, Greene 

*In a recent letter received by Hie author from Gen. E. A. Carman, of the National Com- 
mission for the Battlefield of Antietam, he states that the loss of the 1st Texas was sustained 
in an encounter with the flth, 11th and 12th Regiments, Pennsylvania Reserves. 

1+3 



Zhc Swclftb dorps 

found himself in a dangerous position. II is line was too tar advanced; 
it was unsupported on either flank. Greene then fell back across 
the pike. Hut before doing s <> his little regiments — some of them 
numbering less than two hundred men — did effective work and 
added their full share to the laurels won by the Twelfth Corps on 
this field. In the Fifth Ohio, Private John P. Murphy captured 
the Bag of the Thirteenth Alabama; and Corporal Jacob G. Orth, 
of the Twenty-eighth Pennsylvania, captured the colors of the Seventh 
South Carolina. Each of these gallant soldiers received a medal of 
honor from the War Department in recognition of his heroic action. 
The official reports made by the regiments in Greene's Division 
indicate that the lighting at times was unusually desperate, the men 
engaging at one place in "a hand-to-hand combat," in which some 
of his soldiers used "clubbed guns, a portion of the men having no 
bayonets. " * 

The artillery of the Twelfth Corps, under Capt. Clermont L. 
Best, United States Army, maintained its previous reputation for 
efficiency, the batteries of Knap, Hampton, and Cothran rendering 
conspicuous and valuable service. At a critical period of the battle, 
when Sedgwick's Division was driven out of the woods at the church 
after its gallant but unsuccessful assault, the enemy attempted to 
follow up its advantage by an advance across the pike into the open 
fields. Hut Cothran's Battery — M, First New York Light Artil- 
lery — supported by the One Hundred and Seventh New York 
Infantry, opened on them with such a rapid and destructive fire of 
canister that the Confederates w r ere forced to fall back into the 
woods, leaving the ground thickly strewn with their dead and 
wounded. 

The Twelfth Corps after seven hours of continuous fighting or 
exposure to the fire of the enemy was relieved by Franklin's troops. 
The two divisions then moved slowly to the rear, stacked arms, 
and the men, having been without food since the night before, 
were given an opportunity to build coffee fires and break their 
fast. The battle was over. MeClellan had gained considerable 
ground ; but Lee still held a strong position in the woods around 
the church and presented an unbroken front to his antagonist. 

As the Twelfth was the smallest corps in the army — two divi- 
sions only — its aggregate of casualties was less than that of some of 

•Official Kecords. Vol. XIX, Tart 1. p. SOT. 
144 



MAI' SHOWING MOVEMENTS 

OI 1IIK 

TWELFTH ARMY CORPS 

AT nn. 

BATTLE 0FANT1ETAM, MD., 

Sepl 17. 1862 






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the other corps. Still, it was large enough — 275 killed,* 1,386 
wounded, and 85 missing; total, 1,746. Among the many officers 
killed were, the gallant old corps commander, General Mansfield; 
Col. William B. Goodrich, Sixtieth New York, in command of the 
Third Brigade, Greene's Division; Col. Samuel Croasdale, One 
Hundred and Twenty-eighth Pennsylvania ; and Lieut. Col. Wilder 
Dwight, Second Massachusetts. Eighty officers were killed or 
wounded. 

The roster of the Twelfth Corps at this time, together with the 
casualties in each regiment, was as follows: 



Battle of Hntietam, flDb., September 17, 1862. 

Twelfth Army Corps. 

(1) Maj. Gen. Joseph K. F. Mansfield (killed). 
^(2) Brig. Gen. Alpheus S. Williams. 

First Division. 
Brig. Gen. Alpheus S. Williams. 





Killed. 


Wounded. 


Missing. 


Aggregate. 


First Brigade. 










Brig. Gen. Samuel W. Crawford. 










10th Maine, ----- 


21 


50 


1 


72 


28th New York, 


2 


9 


1 


12 












46th Pennsylvania, - - - 


6 


13 


- 


19 


124th Pennsylvania, - 


5 


42 


17 


64 


125th Pennsylvania, 


28 


115 


2 


145 


128th Pennsylvania, ... 


26 


86 


6 


118 


Third Brigade. 










Brig. Gen. George H. Gordon. 










27th Indiana, - 


18 


191 


- 


209 


2nd Massachusetts, 


12 


58 


3 


73 


13 th New Jersey, 


7 


75 


19 


101 


107th New York, - 


7 


51 


5 


63 


3rd Wisconsin, ... 


27 


173 


- 


200 



* This report does not include those who died of their wounds, the latter being reported at 
the close of the battle with the wounded, 
t Absent on detached duty. 

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Second Division. 
Brig. Gen. George S. Geeene. 





Killed. 


Wounded. 


Missing. 


Aggregate. 


First Brigade. 










Lieut. Col. Hector Tyndale. 










5th Ohio, - 


11 


35 


2 


48 


7th Ohio, 


5 


33 


38 












66th Ohio, 


1 


23 


- 


24 


28th Pennsylvania, 


44 


217 


5 


266 


Second Brigade. 










Col. Henry J. Stainrook. 










3rd Maryland, - - 


1 


25 


3 


29 


102nd New York, 


5 


27 


5 


37 












111th Pennsylvania, - 


26 


76 


8 


no 


Third Brigade. 


' 








Col. William B. Goodrich. 










3rd Delaware, - - - - 


6 


11 


- 


17 


60th New York, - 


4 


18 


- 


22 


78th New York, - - . 


8 


19 


7 


34 


Purnell (Md.) Legion, ... 


3 


23 


- 


26 



Artillery Brigade, ... 
Staff, - ... 


1. 
1 


15 

1 


1 


17 

2 


Total Twelfth Corps, - 


275 


1,386 


85 


1,746 



The comparatively small loss in some of Greene's regiments is 
due to their reduced numbers at this time. The actual number 
carried into action by some of them was reported as follows : 



3rd Maryland, 
111th Pennsylvania, 

3rd Delaware, - 
60th New York, - 
78th New York, 



148 
243 
126 
226 
221 



* Absent on detached duty. 



146 



Zbc twelfth Corps 

The entire loss of the Army of the Potomac at Antietam, by 
corps, was: 





Killed. 


Wounded.* 


Missing. 


Aggregate. 


First Army Corps, 


417 


2,051 


122 


2,590 


Second Army Corps, 


883 


3,859 


396 


5,138 


Fourth Army Corps, f - 


- 


9 


- 


9 


Fifth Army Corps, - 


17 


90 


2 


109 


Sixth Army Corps, 


71 


335 


33 


439 


Ninth Armv Corps, - - - 


438 


1,796 


115 


2,349 


Twelfth Army Corps, - 


275 


1,386 


85 


1,746 


Cavalry Division, 


7 


23 


- 


30 


Total, - 


2,108 


9,549 


753 


12,410 



The casualties in the Confederate army, as reported by Jack- 
son, Longstreet, and D. H. Hill, amount to 1,679 killed, 9,116 
wounded, and 2,292 missing; total, 13,187. But these figures 
include the losses at South Mountain and Crampton's Gap, and no 
separate statement was made for Antietam. McClellan states that 
he captured " more than 6,000 prisoners" in the Maryland cam- 
paign; but the reports of his subordinates fail to show where all 
these men were taken. 

The statements as to the relative strength of the contesting 
armies are unsatisfactory.' General Lee says in his report that he 
fought this battle with "less than 40,000 men on his side." The 
returns of the various divisions under his command indicate an 
effective strength of 51,8444 He complains that his army was 
greatly reduced by straggling ; that " a great many men never entered 
Maryland at all; " that "many returned after getting there, while 
others who crossed the river held aloof; " that the " arduous serv- 
ice, great privations of rest and food, and long marches without 
shoes had greatly reduced the ranks before the action began; " and 
that "these causes compelled thousands of brave men to absent 
themselves," while "many more had done so from unworthy 
motives." Despite these complaints General Lee's field return 

* Includes the mortally wounded. 

t Couch's Division only; arrived on the field September eighteenth. 

X Colonel Livermore. 

1*7 



Gbc ftwclftb Corps 

for September twenty-second, three days after recrossing the river, 
shows 86,418 present for duty, not including his cavalry and reserve 
artillery, which are not reported. If to this number are added also 
his losses at Antietam — 11,000 at least — it would indicate that 
there were several thousand Confederate stragglers or absentees, 
and that they rejoined their commands with amazing promptitude. 
In stating his strength at Antietam at less than 40,000 General Lee 
must have been misled by the estimates of his subordinates. 

But the Army of the Potomac suffered from straggling also. 
The forces given General McClellan for the purpose of driving Lee 
out of Maryland had been reduced by hard fighting and exhaustive 
campaigning, and were badly demoralized by successive defeats. 
He reported that his forces at Antietam numbered 87,164; but he 
does himself injustice in this statement. It is based on the morn- 
ing reports, in which the " Present for duty " includes noncombat- 
ants and stragglers. For instance: He places the strength of the 
Twelfth Corps at 10,126; but there were three regiments of this 
corps absent on detached duty; and the official reports of the vari- 
ous regimental commandants at Antietam, stating the number car- 
ried into action by each, indicate that there were not over 8,000 in 
line with their colors on the field. This difference between the 
number returned as "Present for duty" on the morning reports 
and the number carried into action is a matter that is fully under- 
stood by every adjutant and orderly sergeant. Under that caption 
were included musicians, company cooks, and men on commissary, 
quartermaster and medical duty; soldiers detailed illegally as offi- 
cers' servants, and stragglers who were expected to turn up in a 
day or so — "All present for duty," such as it was, provided they 
didn't have to go on the firing line. It is doubtful if McClellan 
had 60,000 men in line at Antietam, including his reserves. 

General Hancock had evidently noticed the extraordinary dis- 
crepancy between morning reports and actual strength, and so, at 
the next battle — Fredericksburg — he ordered each colonel in his 
division to make a count of the men in line just before going into 
action. As a result, his famous division received credit for its gal- 
lant fighting there, because there were definite figures available on 
which to base its percentage of loss. If McClellan had exercised 
the same forethought at Antietam the historians would have less to 
say about his overwhelming numbers. 

148 



Gbe Gwelftb Corps 

The Confederates managed these things better. In their monthly 
reports the men returned as "Present for duty," or "Present 
effective " were not only present but effective also. Hence the Con- 
federate returns were a better indication of actual strength than the 
morning reports of the Union armies. 

During the eighteenth, the day after the battle, McClellan did 
not resume the offensive, and the Confederates lay quietly behind 
their picket line. The hostile ranks were very close, and all that 
day the two armies watched each other attentively. McClellan, 
after consulting with his corps commanders, decided to await the 
arrival of reinforcements that were near at hand, and then renew 
the attack on the nineteenth. Couch's Division of the Fourth 
Corps, and Humphrey's Division of the Fifth, arrived on the eight- 
eenth, after a rapid, fatiguing march; the expected reinforcements 
from Pennsylvania failed to appear. But Lee's forces recrossed the 
river in the night at one of the fords in their rear. The water was 
low and his men had no difficulty in wading the broad stream. 
When McClellan 's skirmishers advanced on the morning of the 
nineteenth they met with no resistance. The enemy had gone ; the 
invasion was ended. 

General McClellan, in his official report, states that in the Mary- 
land campaign his army captured thirteen pieces of artillery, thirty- 
nine colors, over 15,000 stand of small arms, and more than 6,000 
prisoners, without losing a color or gun. Some writers through an 
evident desire to belittle McClellan's success in driving Lee back 
into Virginia, have called Antietam a drawn battle. But they 
never speak of Gettysburg as such, although the results were the 
same. At the close of each battle the Confederates were in line all 
the next day, awaiting and inviting an attack. Then they retreated 
in good order and recrossed the Potomac. Lee's facilities for with- 
drawal were much greater at Antietam, for the river was close by 
and at a fordable stage. At Gettysburg his army had thirty-five 
miles to march before it could reach the Potomac, and when it 
arrived there the crossing was delayed by a flood that rendered the 
stream impassable for several days. Yet no one ever speaks of that 
battle as a draw. Both Antietam and Gettysburg were Union 
victories, and for the same reasons. 

Finding that the enemy had gone, the Army of the Potomac 
moved on towards Harpers Ferry. The Twelfth Corps in its 

H9 



£bc twelfth Corps 

march passed over the battlefield, on which hundreds of the Confed- 
erate dead were still lying unburied. The faces of these fallen men 
had turned black, while their bodies were so swollen and distended 
that their clothing was burst open. On no scene of fighting during 
the war were there such horrible sights exposed to view as on this 
ground. Crossing Burnside's Bridge and passing through Sharps- 
burg the corps marched to Maryland Heights. Across the Poto- 
mac, through the purple autumn haze, the tents of Lee's army in 
Virginia could be seen. The First Division encamped here, or in 
this immediate vicinity, several weeks, while the Second Division 
occupied Loudoun Heights, on the Virginia side of the river. The 
five other corps of the army occupied Bolivar Heights, Pleasant 
Valley, Sandy Hook, and other places near Harpers Ferry. 

While here, on September twenty-ninth, five new regiments 
were assigned to the Twelfth Corps — the Twentieth Connecticut, 
the One Hundred and Twenty-third, One Hundred and Forty-fifth, 
One Hundred and Thirty-seventh, and One Hundred and Forty- 
ninth New York Infantry. The three first named were placed in 
the First Division — the others in the Second Division. They 
were composed of exceptionally fine material, and made a welcome 
addition to its depleted ranks. A few days later the One Hundred 
and Forty-seventh Pennsylvania was also assigned to Geary's (Sec- 
ond) Division. This regiment had just been organized by taking 
five companies from the Twenty-eighth Pennsylvania — a fifteen- 
company command — and adding to this veteran battalion five com- 
panies of newly enlisted men. Since its first organization under 
General Banks, the corps had contained but two divisions only, and 
so a third division — Whipple's — was added at this time, October 
twenty-second; but the arrangement was of short duration. When 
McClellan's army moved southward shortly after, leaving the 
Twelfth Corps at Harpers Ferry, Whipple's Division was trans- 
ferred to Sickles's Corps. But few, if any, of the men in the 
Twelfth Corps knew that it ever had a third division. 

Another event, the most important in the history of the corps, 
occurred during the stay at Harpers Ferry — the assignment of 
Maj. Gen. Henry W. Slocum to its command. The order of the 
War Department announcing this appointment was dated October 
15, 1862. The news was received by the men with hearty, out- 
spoken satisfaction, for there was scarcely a soldier in the ranks who 

150 



Gbe Swelftb Corps 

had not heard of his brilliant record in the war. The story of the 
gallant manner in which he personally led his division in its successful 
assault at Crampton's Gap was still told around the camp fires. He 
was received with a kindly enthusiasm, that was not to lessen but 
rather increase during the campaigns in which they served under 
him throughout the remainder of the war. 

The Army of the Potomac moved into Virginia in the last week 
of October, and following Lee's forces southward occupied the 
passes of the Blue Ridge, where it held a position in front of the 
enemy from which it could operate to advantage. On November 
fifth McClellan was relieved from command for alleged inactivity. 
During the forty-nine days that had elapsed since the battle of 
Antietam he had remained most of the time at Harpers Ferry, 
awaiting supplies which he deemed necessary before ordering another 
advance. Whether so long a delay was justifiable is a question that 
has been much discussed. But it will be noticed that when, after 
the great victory at Gettysburg, ten months elapsed without a gen- 
eral engagement, the pet phrase of "masterly inactivity" was no 
longer heard. 

When McClellan ordered the Army of the Potomac into Vir- 
ginia — in October, 1862 — he left Slocum's Corps at Harpers Ferry 
to guard this important point until operations should render its fur- 
ther occupation unnecessary. While here the Second Division — 
Geary's — made at different times a reconnoissance in force up the 
Shenandoah Valley, in which it did some skirmishing and made 
large captures of men, arms, horses and supplies. In each division 
some regiments were busily employed in felling timber and in the 
construction of fortifications for improving the defensive advantages 
of their position. The Third Brigade (Ruger's) of Williams's Divi- 
sion left Maryland Heights on October twenty-ninth, and moved 
up the Potomac to the Antietam Iron Works, where it relieved 
some troops of the Fifth Corps that were picketing the river front. 

The position of the Twelfth Corps, December 4, 1862, as offi- 
cially reported by General Slocum, was as follows: Geary's Division, 
with eighteen pieces of artillery, was encamped on Bolivar Heights. 
Of Williams's Division, one brigade (Kane's) was in Loudoun Val- 
ley; Knipe's Brigade occupied Maryland Heights; and Gordon's 
Brigade was guarding the fords of the Potomac near Sharpsburg. 
One regiment — Tenth Maine — was stationed on the river at Berlin 

151 



Gbe Gwelftb dorps 

to watch the ford at that place, and two regiments were at Frede- 
rick on guard duty. 

By November the troops had built comfortable quarters, expect- 
ing to pass the winter in these camps; but on December tenth 
marching orders were received, and on the following day the corps 
assembled at Harpers Ferry. Crossing the Potomac and then the 
Shenandoah, the column moved up and around Loudoun Heights, 
ftnd marching through Hillsborough and Leesburg arrived at Fair- 
fax Station on the sixteenth. The weather was cold, and the men 
bivouacked the first night on frozen ground or in the snow. At 
Fairfax the dismal news of the defeat at Fredericksburg was received, 
whereupon the peripatetic debating clubs relieved the tedium of the 
march by reopening the discussion of McClellan's removal. 

The march was continued to the Occoquan, which was forded 
at Wolf Run Shoals. Here a halt was 'made, some of the regiments 
stacking arms behind a line of earthworks that had recently been 
constructed by the Confederates on the hills overlooking the ford. 
A cold rain was falling, in which the men lay down to sleep as best 
they could without tents. The next day the corps returned to Fair- 
fax Station, with the exception of a brigade in Geary's Division, 
which pushed on to Dumfries. The activity of the Confederate 
cavalry necessitated two more trips to Wolf Run Shoals, one of 
which was memorable for the rapid marching done. 

Candy's Brigade, of Geary's Division, did not return to Fairfax 
Station with the rest of the corps, but remained at Dumfries, hav- 
ing been assigned to duty there. The three regiments then present 
with the brigade — Fifth, Seventh and Sixty-sixth Ohio — were 
attacked on December twenty-seventh by Stuart's cavalry, a force 
of about 1,800 men, composed of select detachments. A brisk 
fight ensued, in which the Confederate cavalry dismounted and 
fought as infantry. There was some artillery firing also, a section of 
McGilvery's Battery, attached to Candy's command, replying to the 
enemy's guns with good effect. Lee's troopers were repulsed, after 
which they continued on their raid to the Occoquan. Candy lost 
in this affair thirteen killed and wounded. Lieut. Charles A. Wal- 
ker, Fifth Ohio, was among the killed. General Lee reported a loss 
of ten, including a captain killed and a lieutenant-colonel wounded. 

New Year's day, 1863, found the corps still at Fairfax Station. 
The First Division was reviewed by General Slocum on Sunday, 

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<Tbe <Iwelftb Corps 

January fourth, affording a military display that drew throngs of 
spectators from the neighboring camps. The " old " regiments in 
Ruger's Brigade attracted admiring attention as they went by, not 
so much on account of their good marching as their peculiar drill. 
They adhered to the old Scott manual of arms, and so came down 
the field to the reviewing officer at " Shoulder Arms" instead of the 
" Carry." Their guns were held with the butt of the piece in the 
left hand and the polished barrel to the front. As they came in 
sight, with companies perfectly aligned, the rows of shining rifles 
glittered brightly in the sunlight, giving these troops a distinctive 
appearance that elicited favorable comments from all who saw them. 
On the following day Slocum reviewed the two brigades of Geary's 
Division that were stationed at Fairfax. 

Many of the regiments built comfortable quarters at Fairfax, 
some of them erecting neat log cabins of uniform size and appear- 
ance, all in perfect alignment on the company streets. The camp 
of the Second Massachusetts, which was especially neat, handsome, 
and serviceable, attracted scores of admiring visitors from the troops 
in its vicinitj'. The occupants did not enjoy them long, however. 

On January 17, 1863, Burnside telegraphs Halleck: " If I order 
General Slocum's corps to join me, can his place be supplied by some 
of General Heintzelman's command? " In an hour or so he sends 
another message saying, ' ' I am very anxious for an answer to my 
dispatch in reference to General Slocum." Whereupon Halleck 
replies that "Slocum's forces are at your disposal, as heretofore; 
but Heintzelman cannot occupy his position in considerable force 
without drawing troops from the fortifications, which cannot be 
permitted. ' ' The same old story. Washington must not be left 
unprotected ! But the matter is arranged somehow, and Burnside 
telegraphs Halleck the next day that ' ' Slocum is under orders to 
move at daylight to-morrow morning, with the understanding that 
Heintzelman holds the line of Bull Run and the Occoquan." And 
so the Twelfth Corps is off to the front again. 

January 19, 1863, the corps starts on its march to join the main 
army at Falmouth, where Burnside is busy with his preparations for 
another advance, the famous "Mud March," as it resulted. Slo- 
cum's orders were to move his forces to the front as expeditiously as 
possible. At the start the roads were in good condition, making the 
first day a comfortable and uneventful one. But a heavy rain set in 

153 



ilbe Ewelftb dorps 

on the night of the twentieth, and continued for two days. Roads 
and streams became impassable. Burnside abandoned his campaign, 
and ordered his army into winter quarters. The Twelfth Corps on 
reaching Stafford Court House received orders to halt there. Geary's 
Division encamped at Aquia Creek, where the men assisted in unload- 
ing the vessels that arrived there freighted with supplies for the army 
at the front. The regiments commenced immediately the erection 
of substantial, comfortable quarters, which they were permitted to 
occupy during the remainder of the winter, from January twenty- 
third to April twenty-seventh. General Burnside was relieved from 
command on his own request, and General Hooker succeeded him 
in the precarious post as commander of the Army of the Potomac. 

The position of the corps at Stafford Court House and Aquia 
Creek required but little picket duty or arduous service. The time 
was utilized in battalion drills, officers' recitations, camp instruction, 
and in securing the return of absentees who were tarrying in hospitals 
or elsewhere without sufficient reason. General Hooker employed 
active measures to increase the strength and efficiency of his army, 
special attention being paid to the health of the camps. The daily 
ration was improved by the issue of soft bread, vegetables and fresh 
beef, while the close proximity of the Potomac enabled the men to 
further increase the variety of their fare with oysters and fresh fish. 
The entire equipment was so thoroughly renewed and completed 
that, when the troops started on the ensuing campaign, there was not 
even a shoestring lacking. It was the "finest army on the planet. " 

General efficiency was further promoted by a series of rigid 
inspections. Regiments that were found to be deficient in drill, 
discipline, and camp conditions were deprived of furloughs and 
leaves of absence, both officers and men, until the necessary improve- 
ment in these respects was made. Each camp was visited, without 
any preliminary notice, by an inspecting officer of high rank detailed 
for that special purpose. A regiment was ordered into line, arms 
inspected, tents and company streets examined, all without any 
opportunity for preparation. It Avas a severe test, but a proper one. 

Of the 324 infantry commands in the Army of the Potomac, 11 
regiments received honorable mention in General Orders, No. 18, 
March 30, 1863, as having "earned high commendation from inspect- 
ing officers," for which they were granted additional privileges, fur- 
loughs, and leaves of absence. The eleven regiments so conspicuously 

154 



Gbe Gwelftb Corps 

honored were the First, Second,* and Twentieth Massachusetts, the 
Tenth* and Nineteenth Maine, Fifth and Tenth New York, Fifth 
New Jersey, One Hundred and Eleventh Pennsylvania,* Third Wis- 
consin,* and First Minnesota. Of the eleven, four belonged to the 
Twelfth Corps. As there were seven infantry corps in the Army of 
the Potomac it will be seen that Slocum's men won a large share of 
the honors thus distributed, and showed a high degree of efficiency 
that reflected credit on their able commander as well as themselves. 
At the same time it was freely claimed around the camp fires of the 
corps that there were other regiments in the Twelfth that were equally 
entitled to this coveted distinction ; but as the board of officers at 
general headquarters had done so well by the corps in making its 
selections the feeling subsided into one of general satisfaction. 

But history requires mention of another phase in the matter that 
was not alluded to so often. This same General Order contained 
another and a longer list of regiments that had been reported unfa- 
vorably by the inspectors; and, unfortunately, the Twelfth Corps 
was represented there also. Injustice to these regiments it should 
be said that there were extenuating facts that did not appear in the 
General Order, or, as for that matter, in the inspectors' reports. 
Two or more of these commands had been detailed on fatigue duty 
of an exhaustive kind. One of them, in particular, had been ordered 
to Hope Landing, where it was employed in the construction of a 
corduroy road through a swampy forest. It was an unusually 
inclement season, with frequent rains and snow. The men worked 
long hours with no compensatory conditions aside from the whiskey 
ration doled out at nightfall each day when, tired, cold and wet, 
they returned to camp and crawled under their little shelter tents. 
On the sudden appearance of the inspecting officer, the men were 
called out of the swamp and formed in companies on a bleak side 
hill, where their "pup tents" had been aligned as well as could be 
among the stumps and rocks. When the inspector commented 
unfavorably on the dull appearance of the guns in one company, its 
gray-haired captain touched his hat respectfully and, pointing to a 
pile of spades and picks near by, suggested that the officer kindly 
note those also — that those were the only weapons his men had 
been permitted to handle, and that he would find them very bright 
indeed. When this regiment was relieved from its work on the 
roads it moved to a suitable location, built admirable quarters, 

* Twelfth Corps. 

155 



£bc ftwclftb Corps 

resumed its daily drills, and at the next inspection displayed ranks 
of polished rifles that shone brighter even than their well-worn picks 
and shovels. Hut in the meantime General Order, No. 18, had 
been issued; they were under the ban. 

For several months the men in Kearny's Division, Third Corps, 
had worn on their caps a diamond-shaped patch of flannel, which 
served to distinguish them from other troops in battle, on the 
march, in camp, or wherever they were seen. General Butterfield, 
Hooker's chief of staff", recognizing its practical uses and advan- 
tages, conceived the idea of marking each division and corps in a 
similar manner. So, on March 21, 1863, a circular was issued from 
General Headquarters assigning a distinctive badge to each corps, to 
be worn on the caps of men and officers — red for the first division, 
white for the second, and blue for the third. The design allotted 
to Slocum's Corps was a five- pointed star. The form of their badge 
pleased the soldiers of the Twelfth ; they would have selected it had 
they been given the privilege of a choice. They were now the " Star 
Corps " as they expressed it — never lost sight of the fact, and felt it 
incumbent on them to do all they could in battle or elsewhere to 
maintain the ideal which they had thus assumed. They wore this 
badge with honor through all the rest of that long war, and dis- 
played it proudly in the final Grand Review in Washington in 1865. 

The stay at Stafford and Aquia Creek furnished an opportunity 
also for brigade and division reviews, and a spectacular one, April 
tenth, in which the entire corps was reviewed by President Lincoln. 
As these manoeuvres completed the preparations for the spring 
campaign, they were soon followed by orders to provide the men 
with eight days' rations and sixty rounds of ammunition, forty 
rounds to be carried in the cartridge boxes and twenty in the knap- 
sacks. Marching orders were delayed, however, for a few days on 
account of unfavorable weather, and the troops did not break camp 
until Monday, April twenty-seventh. 

The Twelfth Corps was now in fine condition for an active cam- 
paign — well-drilled, thoroughly equipped, and in the highest state 
of efficiency. The Medical Director of the Army reported its ratio 
of sickness at less than six per cent, the lowest of any corps except 
the Sixth. The return for April thirtieth showed a strength of 765 
officers and 13,450 enlisted men "present for duty equipped "■ 
infantry and artillery. It contained thirty regiments of infantry 
and five batteries of light artillery, twenty-eight guns in all. 

156 



£be ^welftb Corps 

Early on the morning of the twenty-seventh the Twelfth Corps 
took the road, and marching as far as Hartwood Church that day, 
bivouacked there. The next morning the men were awakened 
without any sound of drum or bugle, for the movement of the col- 
umn was intended to be a surprise. The march was conducted 
quietly, the soldiers having been instructed to refrain from cheering, 
shouting, or any unnecessary noise. The entire corps encamped that 
afternoon at four p. m. near Kelly's Ford, on the Rappahannock. 
Here General Slocum, pursuant to his orders, took command of the 
Eleventh and Twelfth Corps. He was instructed to proceed with 
them to Chancellorsville, where he would be joined by the Fifth 
Corps, which he was to assume command of also by virtue of sen- 
iority.* This order placed General Slocum in temporary command 
of the right wing of the army, composed at that time of the three 
corps mentioned and Pleasanton's cavalry. 

The march was made in fine weather, on roads free from mud 
or dust. The air was pleasant with the mildness of southern spring 
and fragrant with the perfume of early flowers. The peach trees 
were everywhere in bloom, adding beauty to a country diversified 
with farms and woodlands. At times the view from some elevation 
on the route presented all the interesting sights incidental to a 
marching army — the long, dark column winding its tortuous course 
across the landscape, while as far as one could see it could be traced 
by the shimmering light reflected from the polished rifles. 

The march was resumed on Wednesday morning, April twenty- 
ninth, at four o'clock. The Twelfth Corps, followed by the Elev- 
enth, crossed the pontoon bridge at Kelly's Ford, and pushed 
rapidly forward to Germanna Ford on the Rapidan. Here Ruger's 
Brigade, having the advance, surprised a detachment of Confederates 
who were engaged in building a bridge across the river. Nearly all 
of the latter, 125 in number, were on the opposite side of the 
stream ; but a well-directed fire from the skirmishers of the Third 
Wisconsin and Second Massachusetts prevented their escape. The 
"Johnnies" lost a few men killed or wounded, after which they 
came out from behind the old mill and piles of bridge timber where 
they had sought shelter, threw up their hands, waded the stream and 
surrendered. On their way to the rear they gave frequent vent to 
expressions of astonishment when they saw the thousands of troops 

* Official Records. Vol. XXV, p. 27*. 

157 



Gbc twelfth Corps 

that were massed in the woods and fields along the road. Slocum's 
movement thus far had evidently been conducted without the 
knowledge of the enemy. 

The sound of the firing brought General Slocum quickly to the 
front. When the affair was over he gave orders for the immediate 
crossing of the river. There was some hesitation, some talk of 
waiting for the completion of the bridge on which the pioneers of the 
corps had already commenced work ; for the current was deep, swift 
and dangerous. It was noticed that in the detachment of cavalry- 
men that attempted the crossing some of the horses were swept off' 
their feet and carried down the stream. Slocum returned shortly 
and, seeing the delay, used some sharp words of disapprobation over 
the seeming neglect to obey his orders promptly. The men fixed 
bayonets immediately, hung their cartridge boxes and haversacks on 
their bayonets, and plunged into the chilling water, the One Hundred 
and Seventh New York taking the lead. The water came up to the 
armpits of the soldiers, and as the bottom was rough and stony 
some of the men stumbled and lost their footing. A party of cav- 
alrymen mounted on the largest, heaviest horses formed a cordon, 
with short intervals, in the stream just below the wading, struggling 
line of infantry, and when a man was swept down the stream he was 
rescued by one of the troopers, who grabbed the unfortunate 
"doughboy" by the hair. Despite these precautions there was a 
rumor at the time that three men of the First Division were drowned, 
although the official reports make no mention of this occurrence. 
Ruger's and Knipe's Brigades, with Battery M, First New York 
Light Artillery, forded the river. It was noticed that as the guns 
of the battery were hauled out on the farther shore the water poured 
in streams from the muzzles. By the time these troops had passed 
' over, the bridge was completed far enough to permit the passage of 
the rest of the column dry shod. 

In directing the action of the troops while fording the river no 
detail escaped the eye of the corps commander. Some trifling delay 
was caused by men who waited while they transferred the con- 
tents of their pockets to their haversacks. Noticing this Slocum 
shouted, "Never mind your pocketbooks, boys, but keep your 
powder dry!" This order. was greeted with a hearty laugh and 
cries of "All right, General;" but, nevertheless, the wily veterans 
succeeded in keeping their pocketbooks dry as well as their cartridges. 

158 



Efoc ftwelftb Corps 

While Slocum was sitting on his horse, intently watching his 
men who were struggling so manfully in the river, an officer rode up 
and, presenting the compliments of General Meade, announced that 
the Fifth Corps had just arrived at Ely Ford the next ford below. 
He informed Slocum that the water there was very deep, up to a 
man's hips ; said something about pontoons, and seemed to be asking 
for instructions. Slocum replied somewhat curtly that his men were 
fording through swift water breast deep, and that the Fifth Corps 
must cross without further delay. 

The troops of the Twelfth Corps were all across the Rapidan 
before night. They then moved on a mile or so and bivouacked, 
the men sleeping in their wet clothes, with the further discomfort of 
a cold rain that commenced falling soon after dark. The Eleventh 
Corps and the wagon trains came over the bridge during the night, 
aided by the light of numerous fires that flared brightly in the dark- 
ness until daylight came. 

Early the next morning the march was resumed, with Geary's 
Division in the lead. He encountered some opposition from the 
Confederate cavalry which had been observing Slocum's movements 
closely all the way from Kelly's Ford. There was an exchange of 
shots at times, in which the Twenty-eighth Pennsylvania sustained 
some losses. But there was no halting of the main column, and the 
thirteen miles between Germanna Ford and Chancellorsville were 
rapidly traversed. By two o'clock both corps were at the latter 
place, together with the Fifth Corps, which having a shorter route 
had arrived there first, and had already pushed one division well out 
on the road to Banks's Ford. The orders received by Slocum to 
seize and occupy Chancellorsville had been carried out, and he now 
held this point on the enemy's flank and rear with 42,000 men. 
The strategical movement planned by General Hooker had been 
successfully executed. The latter, however, had contemplated the 
occupation of a point beyond the Chancellor House, so as to seize and 
hold the road upon which the enemy subsequently moved its forces. 
Why or how it happened that this was not done belongs to the 
disputes of history. General Hooker never submitted his official 
report of the details of the Chancellorsville campaign ; and if he had, 
it is probable that the differences which that campaign engendered 
between himself and some of his subordinate generals might have 
been more clearly explained. 

159 



Gbc £wclftb Corps 

Opposed to Slocuni ut this time were three brigades of Ander- 
son's Division, which hud fallen back from the river fords and were 
now busily intrenching themselves in a position which they had 
selected about five miles distant on the road to Fredericksburg. The 
two remaining brigades of this division were in supporting distance. 
At evening General Hooker arrived at Chancellorsville, whereupon 
Slocum resumed command of his own corps. 

On the following morning the Second and Third Corps arrived, 
having crossed the Rappahannock at the United States Mine Ford, 
which had been uncovered by Slocum 's movement. The large 
clearing around the Chancellor house — the only building in sight — 
was now filled with the troops massed there, and as the Second and 
Third Corps came up Slocum's men looked curiously at the corps 
badges which most of them were now seeing for the first time. 
Hooker had now five corps on the ground, the two remaining ones 
— First and Sixth, with one division of the Second — being still at 
Fredericksburg, where a part of these troops had crossed the river 
below the town to make a threatening demonstration that was 
expected to hold a portion of Lee's army there. 

Thursday, May first, found Hooker with his army well in hand, 
on ground of his own selection, and ready for an offensive move- 
ment. He planned an advance towards Fredericksburg that would 
take his army out of the wilderness and, by uncovering Banks's 
Ford, enable him to effect a junction with his left wing, or bring 
it within supporting distance. He ordered the Fifth Corps to move 
down the river road to Banks's Ford, while the Twelfth and 
Eleventh advanced on other roads parallel with it. But the order 
was not issued on the previous evening as it might have been, and 
hence the movement lacked the promptness necessary to success. 
It was eleven o'clock before a start was made. As Griffin's Division 
of the Fifth Corps moved out on the river road it soon encountered 
opposition. The Twelfth was still at the Chancellor house, and as 
a shell was seen bursting over the woods a captain in the One Hun- 
dred and Seventh New York looked at his watch and remarked, 
' Twenty minutes past eleven ; the first gun of the battle of 
Chancellorsville. ' ' 

During the morning, before this movement commenced, the fol- 
lowing order, dated the evening before, was promulgated and read 
to the soldiers of each regiment : 

160 




O 2 

ar : 

O r. 



O ~ 

z f 



£be ^wclftb Corp0 

It is with heartfelt satisfaction that the Commanding General announces to 
the army that the operations of the last three days have determined that our 
enemy must ingloriously fly, or come out from behind his defenses and give us 
battle on our own ground, where certain destruction awaits him. The operations 
of the Fifth, Eleventh, and Twelfth Corps have been a succession of splendid 
achievements. 

By command of Major General Hooker. 

This announcement was greeted with enthusiastic cheers. But 
it was noticed that some of the veterans received it with silence, 
smoking their pipes in a thoughtful mood. When reproached for 
his seeming apathy one of them replied that Lee had never been 
known to ingloriously fly, and that he would probably come out and 
fight, in which case it would be better to wait until after the battle 
before doing any cheering. 

The advance of the three Union corps towards Fredericksburg 
was somewhat slow, owing to the dense woods that made it difficult 
to maintain alignment and connection. In the meanwhile, General 
Lee, who had been informed by his cavalry as to the movement on 
Chancellorsville,* took vigorous measures to check this further 
advance. As the Union forces in his "front near Fredericksburg 
continued inactive," he sent Jackson with the main army to inter- 
cept Hooker, retaining only Early's Division and Barksdale's Brigade 
to hold the town. Jackson ordered Anderson to cease intrench- 
ing, and then gave directions for an offensive movement with the 
intention of driving the Union forces back to their position at 
Chancellorsville. 

Hooker soon received word that Sykes's Division of the Fifth 
Corps, which had taken the old turnpike or middle road, had met 
with opposition that prevented its advance. He sent Hancock's 
Division of the Second Corps to Sykes's support, but shortly after 
— at one p. m. — issued orders withdrawing all these troops to Chan- 
cellorsville. These instructions were reluctantly obeyed; and not 
without unfavorable expressions of opinion on the part of some of 
the generals at the front, t Slocum and Howard had met with no 
serious resistance ; and Meade states that two of his divisions on the 
river road had reached a point " within view of Banks's Ford with- 

♦ Official Records. Vol. XXV, Part I, p. 79fi. 

tThe Chancellorsville Campaign. By Maj Gen. D. N. Couch. Battles and Leaders of the 
Civil War. Vol. Ill, p. 159. Century Co.: New York. 1888. 

11 161 



Gbc Gwclftb Corps 

out any opposition from the enemy when the order of recall was 
received. " On the other hand General Hooker was "satisfied *' that 
" as the passage-way through the forest was narrow "' he " could not 
throw troops through it fast enough to resist the advance of General 
Lee, and was apprehensive of being whipped in detail. "* Whether 
Hooker could have whipped Jackson on May first, and fought 
his way out ot the woods, must remain always a matter of 
conjecture. 

The Army of the Potomac, although it largely outnumbered its 
opponents, was now placed on the defensive. Its line was formed 
with the Eleventh Corps on the extreme right, along the Orange 
Plank Road, facing south; the Twelfth came next, extending 
to the intersection of the roads at the Chancellor house, with 
Williams's Division on the right and Geary's on the left of the 
corps line, then the Second, bending sharply to the rear and facing 
east ; and then the Fifth, which held the left of the army, with its 
flank resting on the Rappahannock River. The Third Corps was in 
reserve, except Birney's Division, which went into position during 
the night on the front line, between the Twelfth and Eleventh 
Corps. Telegraphic communication with Washington and connec- 
tion with the base of supplies was maintained by the United States 
Ford, where three pontoon bridges had been laid by the Engineer 
Brigade. 

During the afternoon, as Hooker's forces retired to the position 
at Chancellorsville, the Confederate columns followed closely, and, 
circling the line established by Hooker, made tentative attacks at 
various points to develop the outline of his position. Most of this 
pressure was directed against Slocum's front. It continued until 
after dark, with a brisk interchange of artillery fire at times, involv- 
ing considerable loss in the Twelfth Corps. Two field officers, one 
line officer and a large number of enlisted men lost their lives in 
this desultory fighting. The firing having ceased, Slocum ordered 
his men to strengthen their position by felling trees to form an 
abatis, and all night long the woods echoed with the sound of axes 
and crashing timber. 

The forenoon of Saturday, May second, passed without any 
active fighting on the part of either army. The picket firing became 
quite noisy at times, followed by intervals of comparative quiet. 

* Testimony of General Hooker before the Committee on the Conduct of the War. 
162 



Gbe Swelftb Corpe 

Slocum improved the opportunity by having his men erect defensive 
breastworks along their entire front, constructed of logs, earth or 
whatever material was convenient. It was the first time that the 
soldiers of the Twelfth Corps had provided themselves with any 
protection of this kind upon a battlefield. 

The Army of Northern Virginia at this time was composed of 
two corps — Longstreet's and Jackson's — each 30,000 strong, 
exclusive of cavalry. Longstreet with two of his divisions — Hood's 
and Pickett's — was engaged in the siege of Suffolk. The two other 
divisions — Anderson's and McLaws's — were at Chancellorsville, 
and on the morning of May second were in position opposite the 
Chancellor house, confronting, respective^, Geary's Division of 
the Twelfth and Hancock's of the Second Corps. But Jackson, 
with his corps, had withdrawn that morning, and, concealed by the 
forest, was moving along the Furnace Road with the intention of 
placing his forces across Hooker's right flank. 

In making this wide detour Jackson's troops were obliged to 
cross an opening in the woods, south of the Chancellor house, where 
they could be plainly seen by a large portion of the Union army. 
At this point, near the old Welford Furnace, the road turns to the 
south and follows that direction for some considerable distance. The 
direction of the Confederate column along this portion of its route 
was interpreted in the Union lines as a retreat towards Richmond. 
General Sickles, with two divisions of the Third Corps and Wil- 
liams's Division of the Twelfth, moved out of their works and 
attacked Jackson's rear guard, shelling his trains and capturing sev- 
eral hundred prisoners. AVilliams's Division took no part in this 
affair, being in support of the movement, but in a position where 
it threatened the left flank of McLaws. 

The position of each army was now a remarkable one. Lee 
had only two divisions in Hooker's front, while more than half his 
forces were miles away on a circuitous march through the forest. 
On the Union side was a line of vacant breastworks that had been 
occupied by Williams's and Birney's Divisions, leaving the Elev- 
enth Corps disconnected and isolated. 

When Jackson arrived at his destination he formed his three 
divisions in three parallel lines across Howard's flank, completing 
his preparations for an attack without alarming his antagonist. He 
had seventy regiments of infantry, numbering, with his artillery, over 

163 



Zbe Gwelftb Corpa 

27,000 men. His two front lines were each two miles long, run- 
ning north and south, and extending a mile on either side of the 
plank road.* In front of him and perpendicular to his line lay the 
Eleventh Corps in its breastworks, holding the right flank of 
Hooker's army, but faced to the south instead of towards Jackson. 
It was a small corps — twenty-seven regiments — its returns for 
April thirtieth showing 12,977 " present for duty equipped," includ- 
ing artillery. It had been weakened that afternoon by the detach- 
ment of a brigade — Barlow's — which had been sent out to the 
support of General Sickles. 

Jackson attacked fiercely at six p. m. , effecting a complete sur- 
prise. The Eleventh Corps, out of position and outnumbered more 
than two to one, was swept away. No body of troops, no corps in the 
Army of the Potomac, could have held its ground under such circum- 
stances. Some of the brigades on the left of the corps line, having 
more warning and a better opportunity, made a creditable resistance, 
the casualty returns of the Eleventh showing that before it aban- 
doned its ground it sustained a loss of 1,429 in killed and wounded, 
and 974 missing or captured. 

When Slocum heard the attack on the Eleventh Corps he 
promptly recalled Williams's Division and placed it on a line at a 
right angle to its former one, its right resting on the plank road, 
where it connected with Berry's Division of the Third Corps. 
With this change of front Slocum was ready to meet Jackson's vic- 
torious troops. Geary's Division, which had also made an advance 
during the afternoon was ordered back into its works. Slocum's two 
divisions now formed two sides of a square. 

Williams and Berry, aided by a well-directed fire from the Twelfth 
Corps artillery under Captain Best, checked Jackson's advance, and 
night soon stopped the fighting for awhile. There were occasional 
fierce outbreaks where troops, moving into position, collided in the 
darkness, and at midnight the gloomy woods were lighted up again 
by the flaming cannon and fitful glare of musketry as Sickles fought 
his way back to the Union lines. Then all was still once more, and 
the men listened ruefully to the weird, plaintive notes of the whip- 
poorwills, which were never known to sing so long and loud as they 
did that Saturday night at Chancellorsville. 

At daybreak — Sunday, May third — the Confederates renewed 

• The Battle of Chancellorsville. By Colonel Augustus C. Hamlin. Bangor. 1896. 
164 



Cbe Gwelftb Corps 

their attack, directing it mainly for three hours against Williams and 
Berry. Each attack was repulsed, the fire from Williams's line 
having been remarkably effective as shown by the casualty returns 
of the Confederate brigades in its front. Geary's Division was also 
attacked within half an hour after the battle opened. The men with 
the white star on their caps held their ground stoutly, taking the 
offensive at times. Some of the fighting was at close quarters, in 
which the One Hundred and Second New York captured the flag 
of the Twelfth Georgia. The Seventh Ohio and One Hundred and 
Eleventh Pennsylvania forwarded each a Confederate flag to head- 
quarters,* the division repeating in this respect its brilliant achieve- 
ment at Antietam. But the enemy succeeded in placing batteries on 
the high ground at Hazel Grove, some distance to the right of Geary, 
which exposed his line to an enfilading fire of artillery, in addition 
to the musketry directed against his front. Were it not for the 
protection afforded by its breastworks the division could not have 
maintained its position, although the works availed but little against 
the shelling from the right. 

At eight a. m. , after three hours of steady fighting, Slocum sent 
word to Hooker that his men were nearly out of ammunition, that 
he must have a fresh supply, or else his troops should be relieved. 
Williams's Division was then relieved by troops from Sickles's Corps, 
after which Slocum retired to a position near the Chancellor house, 
where his infantry refilled their cartridge boxes. His artillery 
remained in action, however, and did not withdraw until the Union 
line was driven in, losing in the meanwhile two battery commanders 
killed — Hampton and Crosby — sixty-three cannoneers dead or 
wounded, and sixty-three horses killed in harness. The batteries 
then went into position on the second line without the loss of a gun. 

The efficient service rendered by the Twelfth Corps on this field is 
fully recognized in the official reports and historical narratives writ- 
ten by its opponents. On Sunday morning a portion of Williams's 
Division was confronted with McGowan's South Carolina Brigade, 
and in Caldwell's History of that famous organization the author, 
an officer in the First S. C. Infantry, gives an interesting picture of 
the Red Star men as they appeared in action. He says : 

We could not see much for the morning was foggy, and the smoke of both 
lines soon became so dense that I could not even distinguish the colors of the 

* Official Records. Vol. XXV, Part II, p. 594. 

165 



Gbe ftwclftb Corps 

enemy. The firing waxed furious. Our advance was checked, the cheering 
hushed; all on both sides addressed themselves to loading and firing as rapidly 
as possible. The two right regiments were hotly engaged. Indeed the 13th 
and 14th South Carolina had to fire at right oblique. The slaughter of Orr's 
Rifles, and the 1st South Carolina was immense. General McGowan, just behind 
the colors of the First huzzahed lustily, seeming to be at the highest enthusiasm. 
The Federals fired with unusual accuracy. It was to be expected, for we stood 
in full relief upon the crest of the hill. The few men they had scattered along 
the ravine behaved with provoking composure. 

They deliberately loaded their pieces behind the trees, stepped out, picked 
their men, fired, and returned to the trees to reload.* In the course of time, 
however, they were discovered, and forced to lie close. Archer's brigade, as I 
understand it, was to move clear to our right, and at some inclination to us, so 
as to strike the enemy in flank. The latter must have apprehended something 
of the sort, for they hugged the fortified hill with singular pertinacity. But 
now we were at a standstill. The enemy became emboldened, and advanced 
upon the unprotected right flank of our brigade. At last he swung forward so 
as almost to enfilade our line. The Rifles gave way. The First followed slowly, 
and the movement extended gradually to the left of the brigade. But we halted 
at the line of works about 70 or 80 yards from the last position ; and the enemy 
continuing to advance, we resumed battle. General McGowan was wounded 
upon the works. Brig. Gen. Colston brought in a fresh line, saying they would 
show us how to clear a Federal line. But their reckoning was not accurate; 
they were forced back with us into the works. The firing continued uninter- 
mitted, deadly. 

By noon the Confederates had seized the ground around the 
Chancellor house, and were in full possession of the field. The brunt 
of the battle had fallen on the Twelfth and Third Corps. The First 
Corps, one of the most efficient in the army, had arrived the evening 
before ; but it was held in reserve, and was not permitted to fire a 
shot aside from its picket line. If it had been thrown into action 
its weight would have turned the scale. 

Hooker fell back to a new line, a semi-circular one with either 
flank resting on the river and covering the United States Ford, his 
only remaining means of communication with his base of supplies. 
The Twelfth Corps was placed on the extreme left, going into posi- 
tion there at ten p. m., Sunday evening, the last day of the battle. 
Lee made no further attack on Sunday afternoon, but availing him- 

* Among the Union troops referred to here the men of the 27th Indiana were conspicuous 
for their coolness and the careful, deliberate aim with which they discharged their pieces. 
166 



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self of Hooker's inactivity he detached a portion of his army to meet 
Sedgwick's advance from Fredericksburg, where the Sixth Corps 
had made a brilliant and successful assault on Marye's Heights. 
Sedgwick's effort to join Hooker was defeated, and his corps was 
forced to retreat across the river the next day at Banks's Ford. 

The Army of the Potomac lay idle within its intrenchments at 
the Rappahannock for two days more. A heavy rain set in that 
soon raised the water in the river to a height which threatened the 
destruction of the pontoon bridges, and the troops had already con- 
sumed the eight days' rations with which they started on the cam- 
paign. Influenced by these conditions General Hooker ordered his 
army to recross the river and return to their camps. The Twelfth 
Corps crossed on Wednesday morning, the sixth, and, continuing 
its march through rain and mud, traveled twenty-three miles back 
to Stafford Court House and Aquia Creek, where, late in the night, 
they reoccupied their abandoned, roofless huts. 

Hooker's forces in the Chancellorsville campaign numbered 
122,306, exclusive of his cavalry, but including the First Corps and 
Gibbon's Division of the Second, which were not engaged. His 
losses, not including Stoneman's raid, were 1,597 killed, 9,721 
wounded, and 5,720 captured or missing; total, 17,038. 

Lee's army numbered 57,352,* including all three arms of the 
service. His losses were 1,665 killed, 9,081 wounded,! and 2,018 
captured or missing; total, 12,764. In many of the Confederate 
returns the ' ' slightly wounded were not included. ' ' 

* Colonel Livermore. 

t In all the casualty returns given in these pages — regimental, corps, or otherwise — the 
mortally wounded are included with the wounded, these reports having been made at the close 
of the action and before the fate of the former could be ascertained. In the general aggregate 
the wounded who die of their injuries increase the number of " killed " sixty per cent. This 
may not hold true in the case of a regiment, or a larger command, in any one battle; but in 
studying casualty returns it should be borne in mind that the actual loss of life is always much 
greater than that indicated by the figures showing the number killed on the field. 

167 



Zbc Gwclftb Corps 

The casualties in the Twelfth and other corps were: 





Killed. 


Wounded. 


Captured or 
Missing. 


Aggregate, 


First Corps, 
Second Corps, 
Third Corps, 
Fifth Corps, 
Sixth Corps, 
Eleventh Corps, 
Twelfth Corps, 
Cavalry, - - - 
Engineers, 


27 

149 

378 

69 

487 

217 

261 

8 

1 


218 

1,044 

2,645 

472 

2,638 

1,221 

1,442 

35 

6 


54 

732 

1,096 

159 

1,485 

974 

1,121 

98 

1 


299* 
l,925f 

4,119 

700 

4,610 

2,412 

2,824; 

141 

8 


Total, - 


1,597 


9,721 


5,720 


17,038 



* Includes losses at Fitzhugh's Crossing, below Fredericksburg, April 29 - May 2, 1 863. 

t Includes losses in Gibbon's Division at Fredericksburg. 

t In connection with these figures it should be remembered that the Twelfth was the small- 
est corps in the army at this time, having two divisions only; each of the other corps had three 
divisions. 

The roster of the corps at this time, and the casualties in each 
regiment, were as follows: 

Battle of CbancellorsvMle, flDas 1*3, 1863. 

Twelfth Army Corps. 



Maj. Gen. Henry W. Slocum. 

First Division. 
Brig. Gen. Alpheus S. Williams. 





Killed. 


Wounded. 


Captured or 
Missing. 


Aggregate. 


First Brigade. 










Brig. Gen. Joseph F. Knipe. 










5th Connecticut, - - - 


1 


19 


43 


63 


28th New York, 


1 


6 


71 


78 


10th Maine, - 


- 


2 


1 


3 


46th Pennsylvania, 


3 


15 


81 


99 


128th Pennsylvania, - 


- 


13 


199 


212 


Second Brigade. 










Col. Samuel Ross. 










20th Connecticut, 


11 


60 


98 


169 


3rd Maryland, 


11 


45 


29 


85 


123rd New York. 


16 


114 


18 


148 


1 45th Now York, 


4 


33 


58 


95 



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Killed. 


Wounded. 


Captured or 
Missing. 


Aggregate. 


Third Brigade. 
Brig. Gen. Thomas H. Ruger. 
27th Indiana, ... 

2nd Massachusetts, 
13th New Jersey, 
107th New York, - 
3rd Wisconsin, - 


20 
21 

17 

5 

18 


126 

110 

100 

54 

74 


4 

7 

24 

24 

9 


150 
138 
141 
83 
101 


Artillery Brigade. 
Fitzhugh's (N. Y. ) Battery — K, 
Winegar's (N. Y. ) Battery — M, 
Crosby's (U. S.) Battery — F, - 


5 

2 


7 

13 

9 


4 
5 


7 
22 
16 



Second Division. 
Brig. Gen. John W. Geary. 



First Brigade. 










Col. Charles Candv. 










5th Ohio, 


6 


52 


24 


82 


7th Ohio, - - - 


16 


62 


21 


99 


29th Ohio, 


2 


42 


28 


72 


66th Ohio, - 


3 


40 


30 


73 


28th Pennsylvania, 


18 


61 


24 


103 


147th Pennsylvania, - 


13 


57 


24 


94 


Second Brigade. 










Brig. Gen. Thomas L. Kane. 










29th Pennsylvania, 


6 


13 


2 


21 


109th Pennsylvania, - 


3 


17 


2 


22 


111th Pennsylvania, 


5 


14 


7 


26 


124th Pennsylvania, - 


1 


16 


3 


20 


125th Pennsylvania, 


1 


29 


19 


49 


Third Brigade. 










Brig. Gen. George S. Greene. 










60th New York, - 


9 


44 


13 


66 


78th New York, 


12 


51 


68 


131 


102nd New York, - 


10 


41 


39 


90 


137th New York. 


3 


15 


36 


54 


149th New York, - 


15 


68 


103 


186 


Artillery Brigade. 










Knap's (Pa. ) Battery — E, - 


1 


8 


_ 


9 


Hampton's (Pa. ) Battery — F, - 


2 


7 


_ 


9 


Staff officers, 


- 


5 


3 


8 


Total, .... 


261 


1,442 


1,121 


2,824 



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The loss in officers was severe — thirty killed and ninety-seven 
wounded. Of the latter five died of their wounds. Among the 
killed were Col. Henry J. Stainrook, One Hundred and Ninth Penn- 
sylvania; Lieut. Col. John W. Scott, Third Wisconsin; Lieut.- 
Col. Franklin Norton, One Hundred and Twenty-third New York ; 
Major Lansford F. Chapman, Twenty-eighth Pennsylvania; and 
Major Cyrus Strous, Forty-sixth Pennsylvania. 

The loss in prisoners — the greatest sustained by the corps in any 
of its battles — was occasioned by the effort made on Saturday 
night to reoccupy its works after the Eleventh Corps had been driven 
in. The enemy were already in possession of a part of these works, 
and owing to the darkness and confusion some regiments found 
themselves within the Confederate lines, where many of their men 
were captured before they could extricate themselves and reach a 
safe position. 

The Confederate returns show a large loss, also, in prisoners 
(2,018), although Lee was the attacking party and gained possession 
of the field. But the frequent intermingling of the hostile lines in 
the forests, charges and counter charges in which the troops could 
not see each other, resulted in errors that enabled each side — Union 
as well as Confederate — ■ to capture the bewildered groups that had 
become separated from their commands. 

The return to Stafford was one of the saddest experiences in the 
history of the corps. In nearly every mess there was a comrade 
missing, in every camp there were tenantless huts. The empty 
cabins on the company streets — the log sides still standing, but 
with no canvas spread upon the rafters — were pathetic reminders 
of the men who had not returned. In one regiment a glee club, 
whose songs had enlivened the long winter evenings and had rang 
out cheerily on the march, Avas heard no more. And with it all 
there was the bitterness of defeat and a feeling that the sacrifice 
counted for naught. 

But the temperament of the American soldier is an elastic one, 
and the morale of the corps was soon restored. Battalion drills, 
dress parades, picket duty, and the many duties incidental to the 
routine of camp life were resumed. General Slocum reviewed Wil- 
liams's Division on the ninth and Geary's on the tenth, and as the 
regiments moved by in splendid style, their diminished ranks were 
the only evidence of the severe ordeal through which they had so 

170 




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recently passed. Five regiments were missing, however — the 
Twenty-eighth New York, Tenth Maine, One Hundred and 
Twenty-fourth, One Hundred and Twenty-fifth, and One Hundred 
and Twenty-eighth Pennsylvania — their term of service having 
expired. The three Pennsylvania regiments had enlisted for nine 
months only ; but within that time they had fought in two of the 
great historic battles of the war, and made a creditable record. The 
Tenth Maine — a two years' regiment — contained 246 men who 
had enlisted for three years, and who were held in service after the 
regiment went home. They were organized into a battalion of 
three companies, and assigned to duty as a provost guard at Slo- 
cum's headquarters. 

A month had elapsed since the battle, and still the hostile armies 
lay idly confronting each other from either side of the river at 
Fredericksburg. Hooker was in no haste to move, as he needed 
further time in which to make good his losses and fill the vacancies 
caused by the departing regiments. But the Confederacy, with its 
limited resources, could not afford long periods of inactivity, and 
Lee gave orders for an offensive movement. His cavalry at this 
time occupied the lower end of the triangle formed by the conflu- 
ence of the Rapidan and Rappahannock, where they formed an 
effectual screen for any advance Lee might make into the Shen- 
andoah Valley or around his opponent's flank towards Manassas. 

Hooker, suspecting that some movement of the enemy was on 
foot, ordered the entire cavalry corps of the Army of the Potomac 
on a reconnoissance in the direction of Brandy Station and Culpeper. 
This resulted in a general engagement June ninth with Stuart's 
cavalry at Beverly Ford, Va., a notable event, as it was the first 
time in the war that this arm of the service had been engaged to 
any considerable extent upon a battlefield. 

Before the Union cavalry started on this march to the Rappahan- 
nock General Hooker ordered that an infantry force of eight picked 
regiments should accompany them. In making this selection two 
were taken from the Twelfth Corps, the Second Massachusetts and 
Third Wisconsin. In the fighting that occurred, in the capture of 
prisoners, and other services rendered, these regiments carried off a 
full share of the honors, and displayed an efficiency that justified 
their selection. 

An important result of the battle of Beverly Ford — or Fleet- 

171 



Gbc Gwelftb Corps 

wood, as the Confederates call it — was the information gained and 
forwarded promptly to General Hooker: Longstreet's Corps was 
at Culpeper, while from the despatches captured in Stuart's camp 
effects it was learned that Lee's entire army had started or was under 
orders to move. Further than this Hooker could not learn anything 
definite as to the intention of his antagonist. Lee's movements, so 
far as disclosed, might mean an attack on Washington by way of 
Manassas as before ; the reoccupation of the Shenandoah Valley and 
passes of the Blue Ridge ; or an invasion of Maryland and Pennsyl- 
vania. While Lee's instructions gave him the utmost freedom of 
command and movement, Hooker was restricted by explicit orders 
that he must not uncover Washington. The Army of the Poto- 
mac had to act on the defensive, move parallel with the enemy, and 
keep itself continually between Lee and the Capital. 

(Bett^sburg. 

The orders were issued, the Army of the Potomac was in motion 
again. The Twelfth Corps broke camp on June thirteenth, and, 
marching by Dumfries, Fairfax Court House, and Dranesville, 
arrived at Leesburg on the eighteenth. The long march from 
Dumfries to Fairfax on the fifteenth was a memorable one on account 
of the intense heat, several of the men falling in the road from 
exhaustion or smitten with sunstroke. On the eighteenth a heavy 
rain with a hail storm at evening added to the fatigue and discom- 
fort of the day. The corps remained at Leesburg eight days, dur- 
ing which large details were made for the construction of fortifications 
and repairs of old breastworks already on the ground. 

On the first day of its stay at this place Williams's Division was 
paraded at noon to witness the execution of three deserters. Two 
of these men belonged to the Forty-sixth Pennsylvania and one to 
the Thirteenth New Jersey. It was a trying scene, one in which 
many a veteran who had never paled in battle grew white in the 
face as he watched the terrible details of preparation. A regimental 
historian says : * " The condemned men were busy writing to friends 
during the whole forenoon, and with one exception seemed penitent 
for their crime. At twelve o'clock the corps was formed into a 

* Reminiscences of the One Hundred and Twenty-third Regiment, New York Volunteers. 
By Sergeant Henry C. Morhous. Greenwich: Journal office. 1879. 
172 




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Gbc £welftb Corps 

hollow square in a large field near the camp. Generals Slocum, 
AVilliams, and Geary, with their staffs, were present. An ambulance, 
tightly closed, containing the criminals, made its appearance, sur- 
rounded and followed by a large guard. Immediately in front of 
it was an army wagon carrying the coffins which rattled a dismal 
dirge that must have grated painfully on the ears of the unfortunate 
men. On arriving at the place of execution they were helped out 
of the ambulance, conducted past their graves, blindfolded, and, with 
their hands pinioned, seated on their coffins. Three stout, robust 
young men, in the full flush and vigor of manhood, waiting to be 
coolly and deliberately shot down by their companions in arms. 
There were three firing parties, eight soldiers in each, with a reserve 
of twelve in the rear. They were marched up in front of the vic- 
tims, and stationed at a distance of about three rods from them. 
The chaplain made an earnest and impressive prayer; the sentence 
of the court-martial was read, and the friends who had been stand- 
ing beside them withdrew. At a signal twenty- four guns came to 
a ready — a moment of terrible silence — the sharp flash — the rat- 
tle of the muskets — the fall of the corpses on their coffins, and ten 
thousand soldiers had learned that it was a serious thing to forsake 
the Government they had sworn to defend. The division was then 
marched past the corpses, which had fallen stone dead, with five, 
seven and eight bullets in them respectively." 

While the Army of the Potomac was lying at Leesburg and 
Centreville, or holding the eastern end of the passes in the Blue 
Ridge, Lee's forces were moving through the Shenandoah Valley 
and crossing the Potomac into Maryland at Shepardstown and Wil- 
liamsport. When the last of the Confederate divisions had passed 
over the river it became evident that an invasion of Pennsylvania 
was intended, and so Hooker's army crossed into Maryland, and, 
moving on lines parallel with that of General Lee, kept itself between 
the enemy and Washington. 

On June twenty-sixth the Twelfth Corps crossed the river at 
Edwards Ferry on pontoons, to the mouth of the Monocacy, near 
Poolesville, Md. Hooker had planned that, while his main army 
should engage Lee at the first favorable opportunity, Slocum with 
his corps and French's Division — then in garrison at Harpers Ferry 
— should place himself in the enemy's rear and cut his line of com- 
munication and supplies. French had over 10,000 men in his com- 

173 



£bc ftwclftb Corps 

mand, which, added to the Twelfth Corps, would have given Slocum 
an army of 20,000 strong. With this force he could have seized the 
river fords, taken an intrenched position in Lee's rear, and inter- 
cepted his retreat. It was a well-conceived movement, one which 
would have changed the character of the campaign and ensured bet- 
ter results. But General Halleck, Commander-in-Chief at Wash- 
ington, refused Hooker's request for the use of the idle garrison at 
Harpers Ferry, and the Twelfth Corps, which had marched on the 
twenty-seventh via Point of Rocks to Knoxville, Md. , in pursuance 
of this plan, was recalled. 

General Hooker saw in this refusal something more than the 
mere question as to the best disposal of the forces at Harpers Ferry. 
He realized now that he could no longer rely on the friendly support 
and cordial co-operation of the War Department, so essential to his 
success, and asked to be relieved from command. His request was 
quickly granted, and on the twenty-eighth Maj. Gen. George G. 
Meade, of the Fifth Corps, was appointed in his place. This hav- 
ing been done, French's Division was immediately ordered to join 
Meade's army. 

The Twelfth Corps, having been halted in its march to the Upper 
Potomac, turned its columns, and on the twenty-eighth marched to 
Frederick, crossing the Catoctin Range, with its beautiful scenery, 
on the way. In passing through Frederick the bands and field 
music played their liveliest tunes. At the first sound of the music 
the tired soldiers gave a cheer, braced up, and falling into step gave 
the citizens an idea of what a well-drilled corps could do in the way 
of fine marching. 

The next day it moved to Bruceville and Taneytown, receiving 
at the latter place cheerful greetings from the men of the Third 
Corps, who were in bivouac there, and who had kindly feelings 
toward the red and white stars that had fought side by side with 
them at Chancellorsville. 

On the thirtieth Slocum's two divisions crossed the Pennsylvania 
line and arrived at Littlestown about two o'clock. Here the dusty, 
hungry soldiers were refreshed by good food and drink that was 
freely and abundantly offered by the loyal, hospitable people. At 
this time a cavalry affair occurred in the outskirts of the village, and 
as the First Division, which had the lead that day, approached the 
place, skirmishers were thrown out. As "Battery M, First New 
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Gbe ftwelftb Corps 

York Light Artillery, came dashing down the road and into the 
town, the horses frothing at the mouth and the sweat streaming 
from every pore by their violent exercise, the prospect of a battle 
was greatly heightened. A good deal of amusement was afforded 
the troops by a crowd of citizens who fled from the town on hear- 
ing of the approach of the enemy, and took up a position on a rail 
fence along the road. They seemed to fear that the rebs would 
prove too much for Slocum's troops." * But Gregg's cavalry soon 
drove Stuart's troopers back, the firing died away in the distance, 
and the corps halted there for the rest of the day. 

On July first Slocum moved his corps to Two Taverns, as directed 
by orders from army headquarters, the head of his column arriving 
there a little after eleven o'clock. Within an hour or so the entire 
corps was up. This place is five miles southeast of Gettysburg. 
About one o'clock, while the troops were resting in the fields along 
the roadside, a citizen came down the Baltimore Pike from Gettys- 
burg and reported that a battle was being fought there. Slocum 
immediately sent Major Guindon of his staff, with an escort of 
mounted orderlies, to learn the truth of the story. 

The report of this citizen was the first intimation Slocum received 
that there was any fighting "at the place called Gettysburg." A 
distant sound of artillery had been heard at times, but nothing to 
indicate that it was anything more than some cavalry affair such as 
had occurred the day before at Littlestown. The wind was blowing 
to the north, rendering the sound of the firing very inc 'istinct ; and, 
furthermore, the main battle of the First Day had not commenced 
as yet. 

General Meade's circular of instructions to corps commanders, 
dated July first and received by Slocum that morning, informed him 
that, " If the enemy assume the offensive, it was his (Meade's) 
intention ... to withdraw the army from its present position, 
and form line of battle " at Pipe Creek; and that " for this purpose, 
General Reynolds, in command of the left will withdraw the force 
at present at Gettysburg; " and that " General Slocum will assume 
command of the two corps at Hanover and Two Taverns, and with- 
draw them, via Union Mills." Shortly before two o'clock Slocum 
received a despatch from Howard informing him of the fighting at 
Gettysburg. Exercising the discretion allowable under such circum- 

* The Thirteenth New Jersey. By Samuel Toombs. Orange: Journal. 1878. 

175 



Gbe Gwelftb dorps 

stances, Slocum immediately ordered the Twelfth Corps forward, ' : 
although the instructions from General Meade — the only ones 
received from him up to this time that day — indicated a different 
course. 

General Geary, whose division had the lead, states in his official 
report that his column started at two p. m. and advanced rapidly on 
the road to the town; and General Williams, in his report, says that 
when the information of the engagement was received his division 
moved rapidly up the pike. While on the road to the front Slocum 
met his staff officer who was returning. Major Guindon confirmed 
the citizen's story, and informed Slocum that he had met Generals 
Hancock and Howard, both of whom sent an urgent request that 
the Twelfth Corps push forward as fast as possible, t These calls 
were unnecessary, however, as Slocum's men were already swinging 
along the road to Gettysburg at a most rapid gait, and had been for 
some time. Just before reaching Rock Creek, in the southern 
vicinity of the town, Slocum sent the following despatch : 

July 1, 1863 — 3:35 p. m. 
General Hancock or General Howard : 

I am moving the Twelfth Corps so as to come in about one mile to the 
right of Gettysburg. 

H. W. SLOCUM, 

Major - General. 

On arriving at Rock Creek, Slocum with the First Division 
turned off to the right and following a crossroad for over a mile 
formed line at the base of Wolf Hill, on top of which some Con- 
federate mounted troops were visible in the woods. The Twenty- 
seventh Indiana deployed skirmishers, before whose advance the 
enemy slowly retired. At this time information was received that 
the Union forces had withdrawn to the east side of the town, where- 
upon Slocum ordered Williams's Division back to the Baltimore 
Pike, and, going to Cemetery Hill himself, assumed command of 
the field by right of seniority. In the meanwhile the Second Divi- 

* In a conversation with Mr. Snyder, the man who kept the hotel at Two Taverns, he told 
the writer that Slocum and his staff were at dinner in the hotel when the orderly came in with 
Howard's despatch; that Slocum, as soon as he read it, left the table quickly without finishing 
his meal and "in ten minutes they were all gone." 

1 New York at Gettysburg. By Lieut. Col. William F. Fox. Albany: J. B. Lyon Company. 
1900. 

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sion, which had the advance of the corps, arrived at Cemetery Hill at 
four p. m. at the time when the First and Eleventh Corps were falling 
back through the town and occupying this position. Geary reported 
to Hancock who ordered him to occupy with his division " the high 
ground to the right of and near Round Top Mountain." Geary's 
report states that " at five p. m. this movement was consummated, " 
with two of his regiments — Fifth Ohio and One Hundred and Forty- 
seventh Pennsylvania — occupying Little Round Top; and that the 
cavalry were already skirmishing in front of his position. The entire 
division was not here at this time, Kane's Brigade having been 
detached by General Slocum and placed in reserve near the Balti- 
more Turnpike, at the rear of Cemetery Hill. The battle of the 
First Day had ended. All was quiet and the men of the Twelfth 
Corps slept upon their arms, ready for whatever might betide them 
on the morrow. 

Friday, July second, and the second day of the battle of Gettys- 
burg. At five a. m. Geary's Division, having been ordered to rejoin 
its corps, went into position in the woods on Culp's Hill, where this 
corps (the Twelfth) held the right of the army. Its line connected 
on the left with Wadsworth's Division of the First Corps, and 
extended thence to the right along the wooded ridge, then down 
into the swale near Rock Creek, and up onto McAllister's Hill, 
where it terminated at the point of the ' ' fish hook, ' ' to which the 
shape of the Union line has been so often and aptly compared. The 
Second Division held the left, and the First Division the right of 
the corps. General Williams was in command, Slocum being in 
charge of the right wing of the army, with his headquarters on 
Powers Hill, in rear of the Baltimore Pike. The men immediately 
commenced the construction of breastworks, for which the woods and 
rocky condition of the ground furnished ample material. Profiting 
by their experience at Chancellorsville the troops constructed works 
of a substantial character. 

Early in the day Lockwood's Brigade, composed of the One 
Hundred and Fiftieth New York, First Maryland (P. H. B.*), and 
First Maryland (E. S.t), having joined the army, was assigned to 
Williams's Division, where it reported for duty. 

General Meade, after examining a part of the field on the morn- 

* First Maryland, Potomac Home Brigade. 

t First Maryland, Eastern Shore. This regiment did not arrive until the morning of the third. 
12 177 



£bc twelfth Corps 

ing of the second, decided to take the offensive. He issued an order 
at nine-thirty a. m., directing General Slocum, who was in com- 
mand of the Twelfth and Fifth Corps, to make arrangements to 
move forward with these troops and attack the enemy on his front. 
Meade's instructions were that this attack should be made by the 
Twelfth, supported by the Fifth, and that he would give the order 
to move as soon as he received definite information of the approach 
of the Sixth Corps, which would be ordered " to co-operate in the 
attack." But the topography of the field in Slocum's front, with 
its rocky, uneven surface, woods, hills and streams, was such that 
there was little promise of success for an assault in that quarter. 
General Slocum, after a careful examination of the ground, reported 
unfavorably on the plan, an opinion in which General Warren, the 
chief engineer of the army, concurred. The movement was 
abandoned. 

The forenoon passed in comparative quiet, with no firing except 
that of the corps skirmishers, who were smartly engaged near the 
Bonaughtown road. In the afternoon the Confederate artillery 
ot Ewell's Corps took a position on Benner's Hill, on the opposite 
side of Rock Creek, whence a heavy fire was directed against the 
Twelfth Corps line and Cemetery Hill. This met with a spirited 
and successful reply from the Union artillery, in which Knap's and 
Muhlenberg's batteries of the Twelfth Corps sustained a creditable 
part. 

At six p. m. orders came from General Meade for the Twelfth 
Corps to vacate its position and move to the left of the arm}', where 
General Sickles, who was making a desperate fight against overpow- 
ering numbers, was calling for reinforcements. It was only upon 
"Slocum's resolute insistence" that Greene's Brigade was per- 
mitted to remain, a wise precaution that " prevented Meade's losing 
the battle of Gettysburg." * 

The First Division having arrived at the scene of action near 
Little Round Top, Lockwood, whose brigade had the advance, 
deployed his line, occupied a piece of woods, from which the 
enemy retreated, and then pushing boldly to the front in fine style 
recaptured three pieces of artillery. General Ruger, now in com- 
mand of the First Division temporarily, seized the woods on Lock- 

* Gen. O. O. Howard's Memorial Address before Rankin Post, No. 10, G. A. R., at Plymouth 
Church, Brooklyn, April 29, 1894. 
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wood's left, the Confederates retiring before his advance and making 
but little resistance. The attack on the Union left having been 
successfully repulsed, Meade ordered the Twelfth Corps to return 
to its position on the right. But in the meantime events, the most 
astonishing and important on all that battletield, had been occurring 
there. 

When the Twelfth Corps filed out of its works that evening pur- 
suant to Meade's order, a strong force of the enemy — Johnson's 
Division of Ewell's Corps — was moving forward at that very time 
through the woods on the opposite side of Rock Creek to attack 
this portion of the Union line. Greene's Brigade of five New York 
regiments, numbering 1,350, all told, alone remained, and on this 
small command devolved the task hitherto assigned to an army 
corps. The left of their line connected with Wadsworth's Division, 
First Corps, which held the intrenchments on the western slope of 
the hill; on the right was the long line of empty breastworks which 
had just been vacated. Greene had received orders to reoccupy 
these entire works with the brigade, by thinning and lengthening 
his line. The One Hundred and Thirty-seventh New York, Col. 
David Ireland, moved accordingly into the adjoining works, which 
had been held by Kane's Brigade, and formed in single line, "one 
man deep; " but before any further movement could be made John- 
son's attack commenced along the entire front. 
•' From behind their works Greene's men delivered a deadly fire 
that forced their assailants to seek safety in the woods at the base 
of the hill. The Confederates made repeated efforts to carry the 
works, but without success. Nightfall added to the gloom of the 
thick forest which covered the hill from its base to the breastworks 
on its summit, where the blazing lines of musketry marked the 
position of the combatants. 

The left of Johnson's line was held by Steuart's* Brigade, 
which, overlapping Greene's right, entered the deserted intrench- 
ments of Williams's Division and occupied them without opposi- 
tion. From this vantage ground Steuart delivered a flank fire that, 
combined with his attack in front, forced Ireland's regiment to 
vacate the works. But Ireland withdrew his right to the rear, and, 
under cover of the darkness, formed a line perpendicular to the 
breastworks he had been occupying. Greene received some rein- 
forcements now — 350 men from YVadsworth and 475 from the 
Eleventh Corps — and was able to maintain his ground. 

W* There were three Confederate generals of this name, but each spelled it differently. Gen. 
J. E. B. Stuart, the cavalry leader; Gen. Geo. H. Steuart, of Ewell's corps; and Gen. Alex. P. 
Stewart, a division commander in Johnston's army. 179 



£be {Twelfth Corps 

The sturdy defense of Culp's Hill by Greene's Brigade after the 
corps had gone was one of the most remarkable achievements at 
Gettysburg. The Sixtieth New York, Col. Abel Godard, cap- 
tured two stands of colors; and some of the men, leaping the breast- 
works, took several of the enemy prisoners, together with their flags. 
Colonel Lane, of the One Hundred and Second, was wounded, after 
which the command devolved on Capt. Lewis R. Stegman. The 
heaviest loss fell on the One Hundred and Thirty-seventh, which, 
owing to its exposed flank, suffered severely, losing 137 of its number, 
including four officers killed. The flag of the One Hundred and 
Forty-ninth received eighty-one bullets through its folds and seven 
in its staff, the color sergeant splicing it and replacing it on the 
works as often as it fell; a Confederate soldier who attempted to 
seize it went down, riddled with bullets. The Seventy-eighth, 
under Lieutenant-Colonel von Hammerstein, was deployed on the 
skirmish line at the foot of the hill, where its sturdy resistance to 
Johnson's advance gave General Greene time to prepare for the 
impending assault. 

Between eleven and twelve o'clock, Johnson's troops, wearied 
with their repeated assaults in the darkness, abandoned their task 
and waited until daylight. Greene still held his original line; but 
on his right the Confederates were in possession of the intrench- 
ments thrown up by Kane's Brigade, and, farther on, the works 
constructed by Williams's Division. There was nothing to prevent 
Steuart's Confederate Brigade marching straight ahead through the 
woods to the Baltimore Pike, about 400 yards distant, where it 
would have been in the rear of the Union army, in possession of its 
supply trains and reserve artillery, and on its proper line of retreat. 

It was past midnight when the tired, weary troops of the Twelfth 
Corps, returning from their expedition to the left of the army, 
approached Culp's Hill for the purpose of reoccupying their intrench- 
ments. The First Division was still under command of General 
Ruger, and with creditable caution he ordered skirmishers thrown 
forward to ascertain whether the enemy held any part of his breast- 
works. The presence of the Confederates in the works was soon 
discovered. At Spangler's Spring some of the Twelfth Corps 
men, under cover of the darkness, filled their canteens in company 
with the Confederates, who thronged that spot for water and 
answered unsuspectingly the customary questions as to their respec- 

180 




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tive regiments. The works on the extreme right, which were 
separated from the southeast base of Culp's Hill by an open swale, 
were not occupied by the enemy, and so a part of Ruger's troops 
resumed possession of that part of the line. 

Geary's two brigades — Kane's and Candy's — returned, also, 
soon after Ruger's arrival. On entering the woods Kane's advance 
encountered a brisk fire, which was, at first, supposed to come from 
Greene's command. Without returning the fire Geary formed his 
line in silence and secrecy at right angles to Greene's, and extending 
from Greene's right to the Baltimore Pike. Kane's Brigade con- 
nected with Greene and relieved the One Hundred and Thirty- 
seventh New York, which had been holding the refused part of the 
line. Ruger formed his three brigades in two lines, in the open 
fields between the Baltimore Pike and his breastworks. By mid- 
night safety was restored, and Johnson's opportunity to seize the 
Baltimore Pike was gone. General Williams placed twenty-six 
cannon in position behind his infantry, within 600 to 800 yards of 
the woods which Johnson's troops were occupying, and then gave 
orders to attack at daylight, when, as General Williams phrased it, 
" From these hills back of us we will shell hell out of them." * 

Promptly at daybreak, before the gray light of early morning 
had fairly displaced the shadows of the night, the artillery of the 
Twelfth Corps opened fire on Johnson's troops, who were within 
the cover of the woods. They were already in line and about to 
attack when this artillery fire anticipated their movement. For 
fifteen minutes the Union batteries sent their projectiles crashing 
through the woods and bursting in the enemy's lines. Johnson had 
no artillery with which to make reply. He was unable to bring any 
with him owing to the hills, valleys, woods, rocks and streams over 
which he passed. But the artillery fire was only a preliminary to 
the infantry attack of the Twelfth Corps, which immediately fol- 
lowed. Johnson opened fire and advanced at the same time, both 
sides assuming the offensive simultaneously. 

Johnson had been reinforced during the night by three brigades 
of Ewell's Corps. He now had seven brigades, two of which had 
not been in action since they came upon the field. Opposed to him 
were the six brigades of the Twelfth Corps, and Shaler's Brigade 
of the Sixth, which reinforced Geary at eight forty-five a. m. John- 

* Brown's History of the Twenty-seventh Indiana. 

181 



Gbe twelfth Corps 

son's forces numbered about 9,G00; those opposed to him about 
11,200, all told. 

This infantry attack of the Twelfth Corps to regain possession of 
its intrenchments commenced at daylight, soon after the artillery 
opened, and was made by the three brigades of Geary's Division, 
supported by a strong demonstration on the part of ltuger's artillery 
and infantry. One of Geary's brigades — Greene's — as has been 
shown, had not lost possession of its works, and it joined in the fierce 
musketry fire that ensued. The fire was close and deadly, while the 
echoing of the woods increased the appalling roar. 

At seven a. m., Lockwood's Brigade, of the First Division, was 
sent to Geary's support. The One Hundred and Fiftieth New York 
of this brigade fired 150 rounds per man, the large number of dead 
in their front attesting the effectiveness of their fire. Johnson's 
troops, unable to gain ground, redoubled their efforts, upon which, 
in answer to Geary's call for aid, Shaler's Brigade of the Sixth Corps 
came to his assistance. At the same time, the First Division was 
pressing Johnson's troops actively and preventing them from turn- 
ing Geary's right. The corps artillery, firing over the heads of the 
infantry, forced the Confederates to keep well within the cover of 
the stolen intrenchments, while every attempt to advance Johnson's 
left was checked by the effective musketry of some regiments of 
McDougall's Brigade. 

Colgrove's Brigade, of the First Division, held the extreme right 
of the Union line, occupying the works beyond the swale, which 
Johnson's troops, in the darkness of the previous night, failed to 
occupy. During the course of the fighting Colgrove made an attempt 
with two regiments to effect a lodgment on the opposite side of the 
swale, and ordered the Second Massachusetts and Twenty-seventh 
Indiana forward for that purpose. These veteran regiments charged 
on a double-quick in face of a terrible musketry fire. The Second 
secured a position in the opposite woods, where for awhile it delivered 
an effective fire; the Twenty-seventh, crossing the swale obliquely, 
advanced to a position in front of the woods and close to the enemy's 
line from which it commenced firing. Both regiments suffered 
severely in crossing this piece of open ground, and as it became 
apparent that they could accomplish nothing in the face of the 
strong force that hitherto had been concealed by the woods and 
rocks, Colgrove sent orders for them to retire to their original posi- 

189 




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Seventh Ohio. This gallant regiment, later in the battle, captured 
the flag of the Fourth Virginia.* 

The men of Geary's Division, who, during all these hours, had 
been bravely fighting and watching for the proper opportunity, noted 
eagerly the failure of this last assault, and springing forward with 
loud cheers followed up their advantage. The whole line pushed 
ahead and drove the Confederates out of the lost works. The " Red 
Stars ' ' of the First Division swept forward at the same time, and 
McDougall's Brigade recovered the line of intrenchments in its 
front which its men had labored so industriously to build, but which 
had sheltered the enemy instead of themselves. At eleven a. m., 
the Twelfth Corps was in full possession of its original line. John- 
son's troops withdrew to Rock Creek, leaving a strong picket line 
in their front. 

It was a remarkable fight. For seven hours the unremitting roar 
of the rifles continued along the front of the Twelfth Corps, varied 
at times by heavier crashes where some fresh regiment relieving 
another opened with a full volley. As fast as regiments expended 
their ammunition they were relieved, went to the rear, cleaned 
their rifles, refilled their cartridge boxes, and then resumed their 
place in line with loud cheers. It was the longest continuous fight 
of any made at Gettysburg. General Meade after listening to the 
incessant musketry around Culp's Hill thought that Geary was 
expending ammunition unnecessarily, and notified General Slocum 
to that effect. Meade, however, expressed satisfaction when Slocum 
explained the situation. Some of Geary's regiments fired 160 
rounds. There were 3,702 enlisted men of this division on the field ; 
they expended in this particular fight on July third 277,000 rounds 
of ammunition. 

But the best evidence that there was no waste of powder was the 
ground itself when the fight was over. At no place on the field of 
Gettysburg did the dead lie thicker than along the front of Geary's 
Division. Johnson sustained a loss of 2,015, not including the 
casualties in Daniel's and O'Neal's brigades. These two commands 

* Col. Creighton (7th Ohio), in his report, says that his regiment captured the flag of the 
14th Virginia, — evidently an error, as that regiment was not on that part of the field. It was 
in Pickett's Division, and its flag was captured by the 14th Conn, during Longstreet's assault 
the next day. Maj. Ellis of the 14th Conn., in his official report, makes an error, a curious one 
in this case, by describing the captured flag as that of the 4th Va., the regiment which fought 
at Culp's Hill. 
184 



Gbe Gwclftb Corps 

tions, which was done in good order. The Confederates attempted 
to follow, but met with such a hot fire from the rest of the brigade 
that they fell back to cover. These two regiments together carried 
659 officers and men into this action, of whom 246 were killed or 
wounded within a few minutes. They encountered troops belonging 
to Walker's and Smith's Virginia brigades, the Forty-ninth Virginia 
losing two-fifths of its number in the affair. 

Before making the charge it was apparent to every officer and 
man in the two Union regiments that some one had blundered, and 
that there was some misunderstanding in the transmission of the 
order. Still, both regiments moved forward with cheers as promptly 
as if they were certain of success. When Colonel Mudge, of the 
Second Massachusetts, received the word he remarked to some of 
his officers, " It is murder ; but it is the order. ' ' * He fell dead before 
he had gone ten rods. The Second lost five color bearers in the 
charge. 

During the morning the Thirteenth New Jersey and Twenty- 
seventh Indiana were annoyed by some Confederate sharpshooters 
who occupied the Taney house, an old stone building, on the farther 
side of Rock Creek. Battery M, First New York Light Artillery, 
which was in position near the Baltimore Pike, trained one of its 
rifled guns on the house. With a few well-aimed percussion shells 
it soon made the building untenable, killing and wounding some of 
the vedettes who occupied it. 

About ten o'clock Johnson made a strong, determined attack, led 
by Steuart's Brigade. It was repulsed, mainly by Kane's Brigade, 
under Col. George A. Cobham, a small command numbering about 
690, all told, but advantageously placed. The famous " Stonewall " 
Brigade recoiled also from the sheets of deadly flame that blazed 
from Greene's breastworks, many of the men displaying signals of 
surrender and crawling into the works to escape the terrible, pitiless 
fire. Greene's intrenchments at this time were held by Candy's 
(Union) Brigade, and in front of the Seventh Ohio seventy-eight 
of the enemy, including seven officers, advanced and surrendered. 
Maj. B. W. Leigh, General Johnson's chief of staff and adjutant- 
general, endeavored gallantly to stop this surrender and to rally his 
men; but he fell dead a short distance in front of the rifles of the 

* History of the Second Massachusetts. By Chaplain A. H. Quint. Boston: James P. 
Walker. 1867. 

183 



Gbe Gwelftb Corps 

While this great infantry assault was in progress the cavalry of 
each army was waging a desperate battle on the Rummel farm, 
three miles east of Gettysburg, between the York and Hanover 
roads. General Ruger, learning that General Gregg, the Union 
cavalry leader, was heavily pressed, sent two infantry regiments of 
the First Division to his assistance — the Thirteenth New Jersey 
and One Hundred and Seventh New York. But this reinforcement 
did not arrive in time to take part in the battle, and so, after biv- 
ouacking on the field, these troops returned to Culp's Hill the next 
morning. 

Although the troops did not know it, the battle of Gettysburg 
was over. But there was victory in the air. During the night of 
the third the Confederate general, Ewell, abandoning his lines in 
front of Culp's Hill, withdrew his entire corps o Seminary Ridge, 
where he formed on either side of the Chambersburg Pike, his troops 
evacuating the town also. 

On the next day, Saturday, July fourth, both armies remained 
quietly within their lines. The Confederates contracted their front 
and intrenched their position strongly throughout its entire length. 
In each army there was an ignorance of the condition and strength 
of its opponent ; each awaited with apprehension a further attack. 
During the morning General Slocum, taking Ruger's Brigade with 
him, moved around the right of the army lo Lhe Hanover Road, and 
thence into and through the town, after which these troops returned 
to their former position at Culp's Hill. The town, around which 
there had been so much hard fighting, remained during the fourth 
unoccupied by the troops of either army, except some vedettes of 
the Eleventh Corps who pushed out a short distance from Cemetery 
Hill. During the night of the fourth General Lee withdrew his 
forces and started on his retreat to the Potomac, where he arrived 
— at Williamsport — during the afternoon of the sixth and morning 
of the seventh. Here he was delayed a week by a flood in the river, 
but on the fourteenth his army recrossed the river in safety and 
wended its way across the Blue Ridge. 

Pursuit was commenced by the Union cavalry on the fifth, the 
infantry moving soon after ; but the movement could not be called 
a rapid or a vigorous one. Instead of following Lee by the roads 
on which he retreated, Meade moved his army by a longer and cir- 
cuitous route. He did not arrive within striking distance of his 

186 



Sbe Gwelftb Corps 

lost 1,612 at Gettysburg; but they were engaged in the battle of 
the first day, also, and the casualties are not reported separately. 

In remarkable contrast are the comparatively small losses of the 
Twelfth Corps, whose casualties are reported at 1,156, of which 
seventy-four occurred in Shaler's Brigade; and the Twelfth Corps 
was the attacking line, aside from Greene's position. But in pre- 
vious battles — at Cedar Mountain, Antietam, and Chancellorsville 
— it had gone on record as inflicting a greater loss than it received. 

The effect of the musketry on the forest was visible for many 
years in the dead and dying trees, few of which survived the 
countless scars inflicted during this storm of bullets and cannon 
shots. 

In this fight on Culp's Hill the First Maryland (Confederate) of 
Steuart's Brigade, fought with the First Maryland of Lockwood's 
Brigade. Kinsmen and neighbors were arrayed against each other, 
and their mingled dead strewed the ground thickly where this bloody 
scene of civil war was enacted. 

The battle on Culp's Hill had now practically ended, and quiet 
prevailed along that portion of the lines. Neither was there any 
sound of activity from the left or centre. But at one o'clock the 
silence was broken by the memorable cannonade which opened at 
that time. In this fierce artillery duel the Confederates employed 
138 guns, to which General Hunt, the Union chief of artillery, 
replied with seventy-seven, that being all he could use on his inte- 
rior line. Owing to the sharp curve in Meade's line of battle the 
position of the Twelfth Corps was now hazardous in the extreme, 
as most of the Confederate shot that overreached Cemetery Hill 
struck it in reverse and came crashing into its works, inflicting serious 
losses among these troops despite the woods, breastworks, and huge 
rocks among which the men sought protection from the bursting 
shells. This prolonged artillery fire, with its trying scenes, was 
followed by the grand infantry assault of Pettigrew and Pickett's 
divisions, during which the men of the Twelfth Corps listened in 
almost breathless suspense to the terrible uproar, for they realized 
full well what defeat would mean to them. Then came the sound 
of prolonged Union cheers, coming nearer and nearer, as regiment 
after regiment raised the shout of victory, and the men with the star 
badges sent back an echoing cry in loud acknowledgment of the 
good work that had been done by the brave fellows who wore the 
ace of clubs upon their caps. 

185 



Zbc £welftb Corps 

near Saint James's College. Began the construction of breastworks. 
Advanced the picket line, which resulted in some slight skirmishing. 
Enemy held a strong intrenched position. The men of the Twelfth 
Corps expecting and all ready to make an assault. 

July 13. — Still awaiting the order to attack the enemy's works 
and drive him into the river. Lively skirmishing by the corps 
pickets about five p. m. 

July 14. — A reconnaissance in force ordered for seven a. m. by 
General Meade, all the troops to be " under arms in readiness for a 
general engagement." Williams's Division advanced to open the 
fight. The enemy's intrenchments were deserted. Lee's army had 
crossed the river. The Gettysburg campaign was ended. 

Strength ano Xosees. 

The effective strength of Meade's army at Gettysburg was 
85,000. Lee's army numbered 71,000, present on the field, includ- 
ing all arms of the service. The losses were : 





Killed. 


Wounded. 


Captured or 
Missing. 


Total. 


Union, .... 
Confederate, - 


3,155 
2,592 


14,529 
12,709 


5,365 
5,150 


23,049 
20,351 



But the Confederate casualty lists did not include the slightly 
wounded ; and the returns from some commands were only partial 
or missing entirely. 

188. 



ftbc Gwclftb Corps 

adversary until the eleventh, thereby allowing L<ee four days in 
which to select a defensive line and fortify it. A council of war, 
held on the twelfth, decided that it was not advisable to attack, as 
Lee had intrenched himself in a strong position. After some further 
delay General Meade gave orders for an assault on the morning of 
the fourteenth ; but the river having fallen sufficiently in the mean- 
time, General Lee had succeeded in laying his pontoons and effect- 
ing a crossing with his entire army. 

The itinerary of the Twelfth Corps while moving with the army 
in its pursuit of Lee was as follows : 

July 5. — After spending some hours in burying the dead it left 
Gettysburg at one p. m. and marched to Littlestown, Pa., its 
advance arriving there at five-thirty p. m. Remained there the 
next day awaiting orders. 

July 7. — Starting at four a. m., moved by way of Taneytown 
(Md. ), Middleburg and Woodsborough to Monocacy, near Fred- 
erick City, a march of twenty-nine miles in the rain, although, 
as Slocum says in his report, "many of the men were destitute of 
shoes, and all greatly fatigued by the labor and anxiety of a severely 
contested battle, as well as by the heavy marches which had pre- 
ceded it." 

July 8. — Moved through Frederick, via Middletown and Bur- 
kettsville, to Crampton's Gap and encamped for the night, one 
brigade of Williams's Division occupying the summit of the pass, 
and relieving a regiment of the Third Corps. Another rainy day. 
Near Middletown the troops passed a roadside tree on which was 
hanging the half naked body of a man who had been arrested as a 
spy and promptly executed. 

July 9. — Started at five a. m. and advanced to Rohrersville, 
arriving there at noon. 

July 10. — Passed through Keedysville, crossed the battlefield 
of Antietam, and reached Bakersville at eleven a. m., the cavalry 
pickets of the enemy retiring as the corps advanced. Formed line 
of battle, threw up some slight breastworks, and sent forward a 
strong force of pickets. 

July 11. — Advanced to Fair Play, formed line of battle, and 
threw out skirmishers. The cavalry pickets of the enemy in plain 
view. 

July 12. — In front of the enemy's position at Williamsport, 

187 



Gbe twelfth Corps 

The roster of the Twelfth Corps at Gettysburg, with the losses 
in each regiment, was officially reported as follows: 



Battle of (Settysburs, 3ul£ 1-3, 1863. 

Twelfth Army Corps. 
Maj. Gen. Henry W. Slocum. 

First Division. 
Brig. Gen. Alpheus S. Williams. 





Killed. 


Wounded. 


Captured or 
Missing. 


Aggregate. 


First Brigade. 










Col. Archibald L. MacDougall. 










5th Connecticut, - - - 


- 


2 


5 


7 


20th Connecticut, 


5 


22 


1 


28 


3rd Maryland, ... 


1 


7 


- 


8 


123rd New York, 


3 


10 


1 


14 


145th New York, - 


1 


9 


- 


10 


46th Pennsylvania, 


2 


10 


1 


13 


Second Brigade. 










Brig. Gen. Henry H. Lockwood. 










1st Maryland, P. H. B., 


23 


80 


1 


104 


1st Maryland, E. S., 


5 


18 


2 


25 


150th New York, - 


7 


23 


15 


45 


Third Brigade. 










Brig. Gen. Thomas H. Ruger. 










27th Indiana, - 


23 


86 


1 


110 


2nd Massachusetts, 


23 


109 


4 


136 


13th New Jersey, 


1 


20 


- 


21 


107th New York, - 


. 


2 


- 


2 


3rd Wisconsin, - 


2 


8 


- 


10 



Second Division. 
Bkig. Gen. John W. Geary. 



First Brigade. 
Col. Charles Candy. 
5th Ohio, - 
7th Ohio, 
29th Ohio, - 
66th Ohio, 
28th Pennsylvania, - 
147th Pennsylvania, 









2 


16 


_ 


1 


17 


- 


7 


31 


- 


- 


17 


- 


3 


23 


2 


5 


15 


- 



18 
18 
38 
17 
28 
20 



189 



Gbe Gwclftb Corps 





Killed. 


Wounded. 


c SS£ or | A « ! ~* rte - 


Second Brigade. 
Brig. Gen. Thomas L. Kane. 

29th Pennsylvania, - - - 
109th Pennsylvania, 
111th Pennsylvania, 

Third Brigade. 
Brig. Gen. George S. Greene. 

60th New York, 

78th New York, 
102nd New York, 
137th New York, - 
149th New York, 

Artillery Brigade, - 


15 
3 
5 

11 
6 
4 

40 
6 


43 
6 

17 

41 
21 
17 
87 
46 

9 


8 

1 

3 

8 

10 

3 


66 
10 

22 

52 
30 
29 
137 
55 

9 


Total, - 


204 


812 


66 


1,082 



The Tenth Maine battalion of four companies, on duty as a pro- 
vost guard at corps headquarters, reported no casualties. The num- 
ber carried into action by each regiment, so far as officially reported, 

was: 

5th Connecticut, ------- 221 

20th Connecticut, - 321 

3rd Maryland, ------- 290 

123rd New York, - 495 

145th New York, ------- 245 

46th Pennsylvania, 262 

107th New York, - - - - - - - 319 

3rd Wisconsin, ------- 246 

7th Ohio, - ------ 278 

109th Pennsylvania, 149 

60th New York, ------- 271 

78th New York, 200 

150th New York, - - - - - - - 579 

27th Indiana, 339 

2nd Massachusetts, ------- 320 

13th New Jersey, ------- 347 

102nd New York, 248 

137th New Y'ork, 456 

149th New York, ------- 319 

190 



Gbe Swelftb Corps 

The comparatively small loss in most of the regiments was due 
to the small number of men in their depleted ranks ; also, to the 
protection of the breastworks, the heavy tree growth under cover 
of which they fought, and the superior discipline of the corps. If 
heroic figures are wanted they will be found in the casualty lists of 
their opponents. 

Geary's Division captured three stands of colors, one of them 
the battle flag of the famous " Stonewall " Brigade, and over 500 
prisoners, not including 600 wounded who were left lying in front 
of the works. Geary turned over to his division ordnance officer 
2,000 small arms which Johnson's troops had left upon the field. 



Sbe IReturn to lDir($infa. 

Lee's army having escaped, General Meade moved his forces 
down the river to Harpers Ferry and Berlin, where there were bet- 
ter facilities for crossing; and because, as he stated, of "the diffi- 
culty of supplying the army in the Valley of the Shenandoah, owing 
to the destruction of railroad. " 

The Twelfth Corps left its intrenchments at Williamsport on 
July fifteenth, and moved, via Sharpsburg and the Antietam Iron 
Works, to Pleasant Valley, near Sandy Hook, where it encamped 
the next two days. On the nineteenth the corps crossed the Poto- 
mac on a pontoon bridge at Harpers Ferry, some of the regiments 
singing the John Brown song, and started on a march which lasted 
several days, ending at the Rappahannock River on the thirty-first. 

The route lay through Loudoun Valley, Thoroughfare Gap, 
and the little villages of Hillsborough, Snickersville, Upperville, 
Somerset Mills, Markham, Piedmont, Linden, Rectortown, White 
Plains, Hay Market, Greenwich, Catlett's Station, and Warrenton 
Junction. The men traveled 226 miles after leaving Gettysburg, 
the roads in places being in bad condition, and the weather at times 
excessively warm. Excepting a halt of two days near Snicker's Gap 
— twenty-first and twenty-second — and five days at Warrenton 
Junction, the column covered from twenty-one to twenty-three miles 
each day. Still, the march was not a severe one, as the corps broke 
camp each morning at sunrise, which enabled them to travel much 
of the distance in the cool of the day. The route, for the greater 

191 



Gbe Gwelftb Corps 

part, lay through a fertile, pleasant country with fine mountain 
scenery at times, while the profusion of berries and other fruit that 
grew along the road furnished a healthful and grateful addition to 
the plain rations of salt pork and hardtack. During the halt at 
noon some of the generals did not disdain to go berry picking, and 
many of the soldiers took this opportunity to fill their tin cups with 
large ripe blackberries to supplement their evening meal. 

As the troops neared Manassas Gap and other passes in the Blue 
Ridge there were sounds of fighting ahead, and forming line of battle 
at such times the men nerved themselves in expectation of going 
into battle; but no general engagement occurred, and the corps 
resumed its march on each occasion without firing a shot. There 
was no straggling or disorder. At one place a complaint was made 
to General Geary that two soldiers of his division had entered a 
woman's house and carried off bed quilts, wearing apparel, and other 
articles not recognized in the regulations for foraging, an infraction 
of corps discipline which was promptly punished by drumming the 
offenders out of camp to the tune of the Rogue's March, and dis- 
missing them from the service in disgrace.* 

On arriving at the Rappahannock the corps crossed at Kelly's 
Ford, going into camp on the south side of the river. The next 
day — August first — the cavalry of both armies were engaged near 
by, and the Twelfth Corps was ordered under arms in expectation 
of a battle, as the Army of the Potomac had again reached the 
enemy's line of defense. But on the second the troops withdrew to 
the north side, the pontoon bridge was taken up, and the corps went 
into camp near the ford, with a part of the Second Division sta- 
tioned at Ellis's Ford, farther down the stream. 

On August thirteenth Slocum received the following despatch 
from General Humphreys, Meade's chief of staff: " I am instructed 
by the major-general commanding to inform you that he is called 
to Washington, and that he deems it advisable that you should be 
at these headquarters until he returns. He leaves at twelve m. " 
As Slocum was the senior general in the Army of the Potomac this 
despatch placed him virtually in temporary command, although 
nothing happened in the meanwhile that made it necessary for him 
to exercise the duties of that position. This incident need not be 

* Memoirs of the One Hundred and Forty-ninth New York Volunteers. By Capt. George K. 
Collins. Syracuse, N. Y. 1891. 
19i 



Sbe £welftb Corps 

mentioned here, were it not for its significance in relation to events 
and appointments which followed soon after in connection with the 
history of his corps, when he was forced to serve in a subordinate 
position incompatible with his rank and previous service. 

The enforcement of the military draft in New York had been 
suspended by the riotous opposition of a mob which held possession 
of the city for several days in July. The War Department having 
decided to proceed with the conscription made secret arrangements 
to send 10,000 veteran troops from the Army of the Potomac to the 
assistance of the provost marshals in New York and other cities of 
that State. On August 15, 1863, Slocum received an order from 
Meade containing, with other instructions in the matter, the follow- 
ing paragraph: 

" The commanding general directs that the following regiments 
of your command proceed to Alexandria to-morrow, under the com- 
mand of Brig. Gen. T. H. Ruger, for service, with the nature of 
which you are acquainted, viz. : Second Massachusetts, Third Wis- 
consin, Twenty-seventh Indiana, and Fifth, Seventh, Twenty-ninth, 
and Sixty-sixth Ohio regiments. You will please also send the One 
Hundred and Seventh New York regiment if you think it advisable 
to do so." 

But no New York troops were sent on this expedition, although 
they would have gladly done all that any other regiments could do 
to punish the rioters whose acts had cast a stain on the loyal record 
of the Empire State. Ten regiments and a battery from other corps 
were also ordered to report to General Ruger for this same duty. 
Another provisional command under General Ayres, composed of 
regular troops and the Vermont Brigade, with some cavalry and 
artillery, was sent to New York at this time. 

The regiments designated marched to Rappahannock Station the 
next day, whence they proceeded by rail to Alexandria, all of them 
in utter ignorance of their destination and the peculiar service 
for which they had been detached. After a delay of two days they 
embarked on ocean transports, where they received some information 
regarding the movement and the duties they were expected to per- 
form. After a short sea voyage the advance arrived in New York 
on the twenty-second, encamping in City Hall Park, on the Battery, 
at Governor's Island and in Brooklyn, while some regiments were 
sent to Albany, Troy, and other cities on the Hudson. 

13 193 



Gbc Gwclftb Corps 

The riotous element, overawed by the presence of these battle- 
tried veterans, made no hostile demonstration, and the conscription 
having been completed the troops returned to their camp grounds 
on the Rappahannock. Their stay in New York had lasted two 
weeks or more, varying some according to the arrival and departure 
of the different regiments. It proved to be a pleasant excursion in 
which the soldiers took keen delight, many of them seeing for the 
first time the ocean and the attractions of the great metropolis. 
The returning regiments of the Twelfth Corps arrived at Kelly's 
Ford on the evening of September twelfth, some of them having 
been absent twenty-seven days. 

The Confederate army had retired to the south side of the Rapi- 
dan, where it now occupied intrenched positions commanding the 
various fords. General Meade, on August fifteenth, ordered his 
forces across the Rappahannock and occupied the territory between 
these two rivers. On the sixteenth the Twelfth Corps crossed at 
Kelly's Ford and marched to Stevensburg, a half-deserted village 
about four miles from Brandy Station, the main army encamping at 
Culpeper and in its vicinity. The next day the corps moved to 
Raccoon Ford, on the Rapidan, relieving the cavalry pickets on 
duty there, after which Slocum's troops picketed the river from 
Somerville Ford to Stringfellow's Ford. The greater part of the 
corps, however, remained at Raccoon Ford. 

The Rapidan at these upper fords is narrow, not over eighty yards 
wide. The Confederates held their side in strong force, each crossing 
being covered by lines of rifle pits, and, at some points, by earth- 
works in which artillery was placed. While the Union cavalry held 
the north bank the picket firing was continuous, with considerable 
cannonading, the troopers using their carbines freely, to which the 
enemy made energetic reply. This interchange of shots was kept 
up for a time after the Twelfth Corps occupied the line. But vet- 
eran infantrymen always deprecated this noisy, ineffective style of 
fighting, and after two days or so the corps pickets succeeded in 
arranging a truce with their opponents in which it was agreed that 
all unnecessary firing should be discountenanced by both sides. A 
better feeling soon prevailed ; good-natured banter or conversation 
was indulged in; newspapers were exchanged; tea or coffee was 
traded for tobacco ; and on one occasion the Johnnies went so far 
in their humorous courtesy as to turn out their guard and salute the 

19* 



£be Ewelftb Corpe 

Union commander of the picket when he appeared on the opposite 
bank. Unfortunately this arrangement did not prevail at all the 
fords, and at some points the continuous firing resulted in unneces- 
sary casualties. 

While here the troops in each division were ordered out repeat- 
edly to witness the execution of deserters. Two men in Geary's 
Division, belonging to the Seventy-eighth New York, were "shot 
to death by musketry " for the crime of desertion. This execution 
was described as a sickening spectacle, because of the poor aim and 
nervous bungling of the firing party. The unfortunate men were 
not killed by the volley, whereupon the reserve had to be brought 
forward to finish the gruesome work. Williams's Division was 
paraded on the eighteenth to attend the execution of a soldier in the 
Third Maryland, a mere lad, twenty years old ; and again on the 
twenty-fifth, when a man from the One Hundred and Forty-fifth 
New York was marched out to meet the same fate. 

The prolonged inactivity * of the Army of the Potomac enabled 
General Lee to send Hood's and McLaws's divisions of Longstreet's 
Corps to Tennessee, where they joined Bragg 's army in time to 
render effective service in the battle of Chickamauga, and Pickett's 
Division to the defenses of Richmond. General Meade's army now 
outnumbered Lee's so greatly that the War Department decided to 
transfer a portion of this superfluous force to Chattanooga as a rein- 
forcement to Rosecrans's beleaguered forces, t As the Army 
of the Cumberland was the only one of the Union armies that 
displayed any activity at this time, it seemed advisable to send 
there some of the troops that were idling away their time on the 
Rappahannock. 

The Eleventh and Twelfth Corps were selected for this purpose, 
and placed under command of General Hooker with orders to pro- 
ceed immediately to the seat of war in Tennessee. As Slocum's 

* President Lincoln's desire that the army should undertake some offensive movement at this 
time is evident from his letters to Halleck, which were forwarded to Meade. He sent, also, 
urgent requests to that effect [See Official Records, Vol. XXIX, part II, pp. 187 and 207.] 

In reply to Meade's explanations that he had no information as to the location and numbers 
of the enemy, Halleck sent a despatch — " When King Joseph wrote to Napoleon that he could 
not ascertain the position and strength of the enemy's army the Emperor replied: ' Attack him 
and you will soon find out.' " [Official Records, Vol. XXIX, part II, p. 278.] 

t The strength of Meade's army on October tenth, after the withdrawal of the Eleventh and 
Twelfth Corps, was officially reported by him as 80,789, present for duty. Lee's army, in the 
absence of Longstreet's Corps, was officially reported at 48,067, present for duty. 

195 



Sbc Swelftb Corps 

relations with Hooker had been far from eordial since the battle of 
Chancellorsville, he now felt impelled to address the following letter 
to the President: 

His Excellency Abraham Lincoln, 

President of the United States: 
Sib. — I have just been informed that I have been placed under command of 
Maj. Gen. Joseph Hooker. My opinion of General Hooker, both as an officer 
and a gentleman, is too well known to make it necessary for me to refer to it in 
this communication. The public service cannot be promoted by placing under 
his command an officer who has so little confidence in his ability as I have. Our 
relations are such that it would be degrading in me to accept any position under 
him. I have therefore to respectfully tender the resignation of my com- 
mission as major-general of volunteers. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

H. W. SLOCUM, 

Maj or -General of Volunteers. 

That the same unfriendly feelings were entertained by Hooker 
towards Slocum is evident from despatches that will be given farther 
on in their proper place. But the War Department refused to accept 
Slocum 's resignation, and so he was forced to take orders from 
Hooker until such time as he could be provided with an appointment 
better suited to his rank. 

On September twenty-fourth the Twelfth Corps was relieved by 
the First and ordered to march to the Orange and Alexandria Rail- 
road, where cars were in waiting to convey the troops on their long 
ride to Southern Tennessee. The orders required that the with- 
drawal of the two corps should be made without attracting the atten- 
tion of the enemy on the opposite side of the Rapidan. It may be 
interesting to note here how thoroughly Lee kept himself informed 
as to the movements of his opponent. He immediately sent a des- 
patch to Jefferson Davis notifying him, " that on the twenty-fourth 
the Twelfth Corps, the one commanded by General Slocum, was 
reviewed by Sir Henry Holland and Assistant Adjutant-General 
Townsend. The review of a corps was noticed on that day by our 
lookout, and the disappearance of the large encampment east of 
Culpeper Court House."* On the twenty-eighth he informs Davis 

* The First Array Corps, which moved to Raccoon Ford to relieve the Twelfth. 
196 






Gbe twelfth Corps 

that " It has been reported to me that Slocum's and Howard's 
Corps, Twelfth and Eleventh, under General Hooker, are to re-en- 
force General Rosecrans, and that the movement of those corps was 
to have commenced on the evening of the twenty-fifth." Three 
days later he sends a despatch saying, " I consider it certain that 
two corps have been withdrawn from General Meade's army to 
re-enforce General Rosecrans. One of the scouts saw General 
Howard take the cars at Catlett's Station, and saw other troops 
marching toward Manassas which he believes to have been the 
Twelfth Corps. " 

Gbe {Transfer to Zhe Hrm^ of tbc Cumberland. 

September 24, 1863. — The Twelfth Corps, leaving its camp on 
the Rapidan, marched to Brandy Station; but, owing to a lack of 
railroad sidings at this point, most of the regiments, after waiting 
two days here, marched to Bealeton, where they boarded the cars 
on the twenty-sixth, for their journey west. Well-defined rumors 
were now in circulation as to their destination, and the men began 
to realize regretfully that they were severing their connection with 
the Army of the Potomac and leaving the battle grounds of Vir- 
ginia where so many of their comrades lay buried. 

The rolling stock provided for the accommodation of the troops 
consisted of the ordinary box cars used for hauling freight, in which 
plain seats had been constructed of boards. From thirty-five to 
forty-five men were placed in a car, according to its size. The route 
lay through Alexandria and Washington, and thence over the Balti- 
more and Ohio Railroad, through Harpers Ferry, Martinsburg, and 
Hancock to Benwood, on the Ohio River. 

The cars furnished for the first part of the journey had several 
square openings in each, sawed out of the sides, which afforded proper 
ventilation and enabled the soldiers to see the country through which 
they traveled. But at the first change of trains the men were trans- 
ferred to close, dark cars, where they suffered for lack of air and 
light. They soon remedied this difficulty, however; for with the 
butts of their muskets or axes of their camp equipment they quickly 
made whatever windows were necessary. Many of the soldiers, in 
order to get a better view, rode on top of the cars, where they could 
enjoy the picturesque scenery of West Virginia, its mountains, 

1»7 



£be Gwelftb Corps 

wild ravines, and forests which were then glowing with autumnal 
colors. 

At Benwood the troops left the cars and, crossing the Ohio 
River on pontoons, boarded the trains of the Central Ohio Railroad 
in which they traveled via Cambridge, Zanesville, Columbus, Xenia, 
Dayton, Indianapolis, and Jeffersonville, crossing the river again on 
ferry boats to Louisville. 

The ride through Ohio and Indiana was a memorable one. The 
former State was in the heat of a political campaign in which one 
of the candidates for governor had become conspicuous for his dis- 
loyalty and opposition to the continuance of the war. The loyal 
people turned out in crowds at each railway station, where they 
cheered the Union veterans and gave substantial evidence of their 
kindly feelings in the abundance of food and drink given to them, 
hot coffee, lemonade, cold boiled hams, roast meats and fowls, cake, 
fruit, and various dainties. The hungry boys, just from the front 
with its plain fare, relished this bountiful supply of choice eatables, 
and talked of home and how it reminded them of mother's cooking. 

But more than all, they enjoyed the sight of the loyal, bright- 
eyed girls, whose smiling faces and friendly advances greeted them 
at each stopping place. It was so long since they had seen any of 
the fair sex, or perhaps because of the facts in the case, they were 
sure that the Ohio and Indiana girls were the prettiest and nicest in 
the world. The boys wrote saucy love notes on cards, old envelopes, 
or any scrap of paper they could find, with the name and address 
of the sender added, and tossed them to the fair ones. In many 
instances some reckless lad, unable to find anything else to write on, 
took off his paper collar, wrote on it his address, and tying it to an 
apple threw it into the blushing, laughing crowd. Rev. Leonard 
G. Jordan, in his history of the Tenth Maine Battalion, says that 
" At Centre ville, Indiana, where there was a young ladies' seminary, 
a bevy of the fair pupils stood on the platform of the station and 
sang many songs, or cheered us by pleasant words, and even in 
some cases by much warmer testimonials of their affection (perhaps 
for their brothers' sakes!). " As a result of all this the Ohio mails 
for months afterward carried hundreds of dainty missives southward 
to Slocum's camps, in reply to which many a soldier boy, seated at 
a cracker box, took his " pen in hand " to indite a becoming answer 
to his particular correspondent. And to-day there is more than one 

198 



£be Gwelftb Corps 

veteran of the war whose gray-haired wife "used to live in Ohio 
when she was a girl " and who "got acquainted" with her hus- 
band " when the Twelfth Corps went West. " 

From Louisville the railroad journey was continued to Nashville, 
where the troops changed cars again and proceeded to Stevenson 
and Bridgeport, Alabama. The greater part of the corps arrived 
here, their present destination, on October fourth. Greene's Brig- 
ade, of Geary's Division, had left the cars the same day at Mur- 
freesborough, Tennessee, where they were stationed temporarily, 
while Candy's Brigade, going on to Tullahoma, were unloaded 
there. The Eleventh Corps, which had preceded the Twelfth from 
Virginia, had gone as far as Bridgeport also, where it encamped for 
awhile. The journey had occupied seven days, in which the troops 
had traveled 1,192 miles. The transfer of these two corps — 
23,000 men, with their artillery, baggage, and horses — from Vir- 
ginia to Tennessee, without loss or accident, was one of the notable 
events of the war, reflecting high credit on all connected with its 
management. 

In sending this reinforcement to Tennessee it was not the inten- 
tion of the War Department that these troops should join Rose- 
crans's army immediately; for he already had more men in his 
command than he could provide rations for, owing to the frequent 
interruption of the long line of communication that lay between 
him and Nashville, his base of supplies. The primary object was 
to protect the railroad from cavalry raids; and, subsequently, to 
restore the broken line between Bridgeport and Chattanooga, which, 
upon Rosecrans's retreat from Chickamauga was seized by the 
Confederates. 

The arrival of Hooker's troops was opportune. A large force of 
Confederate cavalry under command of Gen. Joseph Wheeler was 
even then moving against the line of the Nashville and Chattanooga 
Railroad. The road was raided at various places. Bridges were 
burned at Stone's River, at Garrison's Fork of the Duck River, and 
other points. The track was torn up, telegraph wires cut, and the 
long tunnel near Cowan was obstructed. The garrisons at Stone's 
River and Christiana were captured; the towns of Wartrace and 
Shelbyville were plundered. 

Williams's Division had left the cars at Stevenson and Bridge- 
port but a few hours when orders came to put the men on the trains 

199 



£be £vvelftb Corps 

again and move northward in pursuit of the raiders. The first stop 
was at Decherd, thirty miles distant, where a branch railway runs 
to McMinnville, which with its garrison and military stores, had 
just been captured by Wheeler. The next day the division moved 
to Elk River Bridge; and then, for lack of cars, it marched to Tulla- 
homa. Then the route taken by the enemy's cavalry necessitated 
a movement — part of the division on cars and part on foot — to 
Duck River, and thence to Shelby ville; and from there to Bell- 
buckle and Christiana. A part of Candy's Brigade joined in this 
latter movement. 

By the ninth Wheeler had disappeared, driven away by Crook's 
and Mitchell's Union cavalry, and then Williams's Division, in dis- 
connected bodies, moved southward again to Elk River Bridge and 
Decherd, where some of the regiments remained twelve days or 
more. Here, at Estill Springs, the men were greatly interested in 
a regiment of colored troops stationed there — the first they had 
seen — whose drills, parades, and peculiar demeanor while on picket 
or guard duty furnished plenty of amusement, together with a sup- 
ply of funny camp stories. The white soldiers near by were espe- 
cially edified when some of their officers, who strolled into this camp, 
were arrested because they did not have the countersign. 

Under orders of October eleventh the Eleventh Corps was 
directed to guard the Nashville and Chattanooga Railroad from 
Bridgeport northward to Tantalon, and the Twelfth Corps from 
Tantalon to Murfreesborough. From the latter station to Nash- 
ville the road was protected by some western troops under Gen. 
R. S. Granger. 

On October thirteenth the Twelfth Corps had been distributed 
along its portion of the Nashville and Chattanooga Railroad at the 
following points: 

Slocum's Headquarters, - Wartrace. 

10th Maine Battalion, ... Wartrace. 

Williams's Headquarters, - Decherd. 

20th Connecticut, ... - Cowan. 

3rd Maryland, ----- Tunnel. 

46th Pennsylvania, - - - - Decherd. 

123rd New York, - - Decherd. 

145th New York, ... - Decherd. 

4th United States Artillery — F, - - Decherd. 
900 



£be Swelftb Corpe 



1st New York Light Artillery — M, 
3rd Wisconsin, - 
2nd Massachusetts, - - - 

107th New York — 8 companies, 
107th New York — 2 companies, - 

27th Indiana, 

13th New Jersey, 
150th New York — 7 companies, 
150th New York — 3 companies, - 
Geary's Headquarters, - 
7th Ohio, 

66th Ohio, - - - - - 

28th Pennsylvania, 
147th Pennsylvania, ... 

5th Ohio, 

29th Ohio, ----- 
111th Pennsylvania, 
109th Pennsylvania, 

29th Pennsylvania — 8 companies, 

29th Pennsylvania — 2 companies, - 

78th New York, 

60th New York, - 
102nd New York, 
149th New York. - 
137th New York, 
Pennsylvania Battery — E, (Knap's,) - 



Decherd. 

Elk River. 

Elk River. 

Elk River. 

Estill Springs. 

Tullahoma. 

Tullahoma. 

Tullahoma. 

R. R. Trestle. 

Murfreesborough. 

Garrison's Bridge. 

Wartrace. 

Duck River. 

Duck River. 

Normandy. 

Normandy. 

M u r f reeeborough. 

Columbus X Roads. 

Fosterville. 

Shelbyville. 

Stone's River. 

Murfreesborough. 

Murfreesborough. 

Murfreesborough. 

Train Guards. 

Murfreesborough. 



On October nineteenth General Rosecrans was relieved from 
command, and Gen. George H. Thomas was appointed in his place. 
As the Twelfth Corps was now in the Army of the Cumberland the 
men heard the news with expressions of satisfaction, for they were 
proud to serve under the " Hero of Chickamauga. " 

On the twenty-fourth Hooker received the following order from 
Thomas's headquarters: 

You will leave General Slocum with one division of the Twelfth Corps to 

guard the railroad from Murfreesborough to Bridgeport. The Eleventh Corps 

and one division of the Twelfth will be concentrated at or in the vicinity of 

Bridgeport, preparatory to crossing the Tennessee River and moving up the 

south side to take possession of Rankin's Ferry. . . . The object of the 

movement is to hold the road and gain possession of the river as far as Brown's 

Ferry. 

*oi 



Zbe ftwelftb Corps 

Tn transmitting this order to Slocum, General Butterfield, 
Hooker's chief of staff, added: "The general desires the division 
that can be quickest at Bridgeport be placed there. " The condition 
stipulated in this request seems to have determined the selection of 
Geary's Division for the important and glorious movement then 
pending, and enabled the White Stars to win further laurels at 
Wauhatchie and Lookout Mountain. 

The reason why General Slocum was left behind is clear in view 
of his claim that " when he came here it was under promise that 
he should not have to serve under Hooker." * Some such arrange- 
ment became necessary, for Hooker naturally entertained resentful 
feelings against Slocum when the outspoken opinions of the latter 
came to his ears. On October twelfth he wrote to President Lin- 
coln, from Stevenson, Alabama, suggesting that Slocum should be 
tendered a command in Missouri or elsewhere, and in which he says : 

Unless he gives more satisfaction in the discharge of his duties he will soon 
find himself in deeper water than he has been wading in. I shall act very 
deliberately with him. I will incur reproach if I allow the public interest to 
suffer by his contumacy. He now appears to be swayed entirely by passion in 
the exercise of his office. 

Slocum continued in his headquarters at Tullahoma, Tennessee, 
where he had been most of the time since the arrival of his corps in 
the West. Geary's Division, which had been stationed at different 
points along the railroad between Murfreesborough and Tullahoma, 
was placed on railroad trains and moved to Bridgeport, his advance 
reaching there on the twenty-fifth. 



Gbe flMontfibt Battle of Wtaubatcbte. 

Bridgeport, on the Tennessee River, was practically the terminus 
at this time of the Nashville and Chattanooga Railroad. The trains 
could not run any farther, because the line between this point and 
Chattanooga was in the possession of the enemy. The river was not 
available as a route for supplies, for the northern slope of Lookout 
Mountain, then held by a portion of Longstreet's Corps, descended 

•See letter of C. A. Dana to Secretary of War, dated Chattanooga, October 99, 1863. 
Official Records, Vol. XXXI, Part I, p. 73. 
909 




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steeply to the shore, enabling the Confederate forces at that point 
to command the channel. 

Chattanooga was so closely besieged on its southern front and 
on its flanks by Bragg's army that the Union forces there were 
obliged to obtain their subsistence and other supplies from Bridge- 
port. The latter place was only twenty-six miles distant, but owing 
to the obstructed communication all rations and forage had to be 
hauled on wagon trains by a circuitous mountainous country over 
roads that were well nigh impassable. The wagon trains were inade- 
quate to the duty, and the road was lined with the bodies of horses 
and mules that had died of exhaustion and hunger on the route. 
The Union troops at Chattanooga were already on short rations, and 
the artillery teams were destitute of forage. Unless communication 
could be opened with Bridgeport by driving the enemy out of Look- 
out Valley, Chattanooga must be evacuated, and all the advantages 
of Rosecrans's campaign lost. 

The Nashville Railroad was now safely held by Williams's Divi- 
sion, leaving Hooker free to undertake the movement intrusted to 
him for restoring direct connection with Bridgeport. To assist him 
in this undertaking, a force of 1,500 men from the Army of the 
Cumberland came down the river in pontoon boats on the night of 
October twenty-seventh, and under cover of the darkness effected a 
landing at Brown's Ferry, near the lower end of Lookout Valley. 
A bridge was laid immediately, over which the remainder of the 
two brigades to which these men belonged crossed and took up an 
intrenched position. 

On the morning of October twenty-seventh Geary's Division, 
preceded by the Eleventh Corps, left Bridgeport, and crossing the 
Tennessee River on pontoons commenced the movement to Chatta- 
nooga. Geary was unable to concentrate his entire command at 
Bridgeport in time for this advance, and so marched away without 
Candy's Brigade and the One Hundred and Second New York of 
Greene's Brigade. The division moved this day as far as Shell- 
mound, where it arrived at two p. m. Heavy fatigue details were 
made here to assist in the construction of a pontoon bridge at this 
place, the men being kept on this work until after midnight. 
Resuming the march at daylight the column moved by way of Run- 
ning Water and Whitesides to Wauhatchie, six miles from Chatta- 
nooga, encamping here at five p. m. On passing Whitesides the 

203 



Gbc Gwelftb Corps 

Sixtieth New York was detached, with orders to hold the pass lead- 
ing from that place to Trenton. 

When General Hooker halted Geary's command at Wauhatchie 
he ordered the Eleventh Corps on to Brown's Ferry, three miles 
farther, leaving Geary in the valley, where his unsupported and iso- 
lated position naturally invited attack. General Hazen, command- 
ing one of the brigades from Chattanooga, "went to General 
Hooker and endeavored to get him to take up a compact line across 
the valley, and to bring all his forces together. But being confident 
the enemy would not disturb him, Hooker refused to change his 
dispositions. " * General Hooker in his report of the battle of Wau- 
hatchie says that, "The commands were too small to keep up a 
substantial communication that distance," and that he " deemed it 
more prudent to hold the men well in hand than to have a feeble 
one; " also, that in his judgment, it was essential to retain posses- 
sion of both approaches to Kelly's Ferry. 

On October twenty-eighth, the day of Geary's arrival at 
Wauhatchie, Generals Bragg and Longstreet were on Lookout 
Mountain, from where they saw the Eleventh Corps march down 
Lookout Valley and unite with the force at Brown's Ferry. Long- 
street says in his report, " The rear guard of this command t (about 
1,500, with a battery of artillery) came up in about an hour and 
halted three miles from the main force. The road between the two 
commands ran along the western base of a series of heights and 
parallel to them." He says further: "As soon as the rear guard 
halted I sent orders to General Jenkins J to concentrate at the base 
of the mountain his three brigades. ... I also ordered Gen- 
eral Law to advance his brigade as soon as it was dark, and occupy 
the height in his immediate front which commanded the road 
between the enemy's forces. General Jenkins reported in time to 
see the positions occupied by the enemy. He was ordered to hold 
the point designated for General Law with a sufficient force, while 
a portion of his command moved up the road and captured or dis- 
persed the rear guard. . . . This was the force which I hoped to 
be able to cut off, surprise and capture." 

* See letter of C. A. Dana to Secretary Stanton, sent from Chattanooga, October 89, 1863. 
Official Records, Vol. XXXI. Part I, p. 7-2. 
t Geary's Division. 

J General Jenkins was then in command of Hood's Division. 
904 



Gbe Swelftb Corpa 

A well-laid plan, indeed! But the White Star Division was 
composed of troops that never allowed themselves to be surprised ; 
nor could they be captured by any such force as Longstreet, in this 
case, deemed sufficient for that purpose. 

As soon as the night was far enough advanced to conceal the 
movement the Confederate leader placed Law's and Robertson's 
brigades on the hill commanding the road, with the intention of 
intercepting any reinforcements from Brown's Ferry, and then sent 
Bratton's South Carolina brigade on its mission to "cut off, sur- 
prise and capture" Geary's command. Benning's Brigade was 
placed on Law's left, where it was in position to reinforce Bratton. 
These four brigades, constituting Hood's Division, "should have 
mustered " 5,000 men, according to Longstreet's statement. 

Geary had with him at this time two brigades — Greene's and 
Cobham's — of which there were six regiments present altogether, 
with one battery (Knap's) of four guns. The regiments were 
small. One of them, the One Hundred and Ninth Pennsylvania, 
reported only 110 men, all told, as present in the engagement. 
Geary says that his infantry carried 93 officers and 1,499 enlisted 
men into action at Wauhatchie. Longstreet made a very close 
estimate as to the strength of that rear guard. The force sent to 
surprise Geary was Kershaw's Brigade of Gettysburg fame, contain- 
ing six regiments, under command of Col. John Bratton. 

As night came on, Geary, realizing the dangerous situation which 
he occupied, ordered his men to "bivouac upon their arms, with 
cartridge boxes on," and placed his four pieces of artillery in posi- 
tion on a knoll near the Rowden house. The Twenty-ninth Penn- 
sylvania, Colonel Rickards, was sent out on picket. 

Shortly after midnight Bratton's advance encountered the pickets 
of the Twenty-ninth, whose vigilance and steady resistance gave 
Geary ample notice of the impending attack and time to get his 
troops in line. In the engagement which followed, the fighting was 
desperate and prolonged. The South Carolinians attacked in front 
and flank, but the White Stars changed front to rear, or refused 
their right and left regiments whenever it became necessary in con- 
forming to the movements of the enemy. 

There was a moon that night, but it was overclouded much of 
the time, and in the darkness the soldiers could aim only at the 
flashes of the rifles or in the direction indicated by the cries and 

905 



Cbe Gwelftb Corpa 

cheers of their opponents. The Confederates directed an effective 
fire against the battery, the flame from the cannon affording a 
tempting mark. So many of the gunners were disabled that two of 
the pieces were silenced, and an infantry detail became necessary in 
working the other guns. The shouts of the Confederates to pick off 
the artillerists could be plainly heard. Lieutenant Geary of the 
battery, a son of the general, was killed. He had sighted a gun, 
and as he gave the command to fire he fell dead with a bullet through 
his forehead. Captain Atwell fell mortally wounded soon after; but 
the heroic gunners stuck to their work. 

The fiercest attack was made against the One Hundred and 
Thirty-seventh New York and One Hundred and Eleventh Penn- 
sylvania, and the steadiness of these veteran regiments contributed 
materially to the defeat of the enemy. Toward the close of the 
action there was a scarcity of ammunition in these regiments, and 
many of the soldiers were obliged to get cartridges from the boxes 
of their fallen comrades. The four guns of the battery fired in all 
224 rounds. At three a. m. , after two hours or more of continuous 
fighting, the Confederates abandoned the attack and disappeared in 
the darkness, leaving many of their dead and wounded on the field. 

The Union losses were: 





Killed. 


Wounded. 


Missing. 


Aggregate. 


Staff, 

78th New York, 
137th New York, - 
149th New York, 

29th Pennsylvania, - - - 
109th Pennsylvania, ... 
111th Pennsylvania, - 
Knap's (Pennsylvania) Battery, 


15 
1 
1 
5 
9 
3 


4 
2 
75 
11 
6 
23 
34 
19 


2 
4 
2 


4 
2 
90 
12 
9 
32 
45 
22 


Total, 


34 


174 


8 


216 



Major Boyle, of the One Hundred and Eleventh Pennsylvania, 
was killed, and General Greene was seriously wounded by a bullet 
that passed through his upper jaw, disabling him completely. 

The casualties in the Confederate troops, as officially reported by 
regiments, amounted to 31 killed, 286 wounded, and 39 captured 



206 



Zbc ftwelftb Corps 

or missing ; total, 356. Colonel Kilpatrick, of the First South Caro- 
lina, was killed, "shot through the heart early in the engagement." 

The battle over, the soldiers busied themselves until morning 
searching in the darkness for their wounded comrades, and in forti- 
fying their position against further attack. Captain Collins, in his 
history of the One Hundred and Forty-ninth New York, says: 
"When the rays of the rising sun came over Lookout Mountain 
they fell with a mellow light upon the tall and portly form of Gen- 
eral Geary, standing with bowed head on the summit of the knoll, 
while before him lay the lifeless form of a lieutenant of artillery. 
Scattered about were cannon, battered and bullet-marked caissons 
and limbers, and many teams of horses dead in harness. There were 
many other dead, but none attracted his attention save this one, for 
he was his son. The men, respecting his sorrow, stood at a distance 
in silence, while he communed with his grief. ' ' * 

When General Hooker heard the firing at Wauhatchie he ordered 
the Eleventh Corps under arms, and directed a portion of it to march 
to Geary's relief. Two brigades moved up the valley road to Wau- 
hatchie, but they did not arrive there until five- thirty a. m., two 
hours after the fight had ended. In the meantime Col. Orland 
Smith's Brigade of the Eleventh Corps attacked the hill near the 
Ellis house, which was held by Law and Robertson, and drove the 
Confederates from this position. 

The casualties in the fighting on the night of October twenty- 
eighth were: 





Killed. 


Wounded. 


Missing. 


Aggregate. 


Eleventh Corps, - - - 
Twelfth Corps, - 


45 
33 


150 
177 


9 
6 


204 
216 


Total, ----- 


78 


327 


15 


420 



In addition, the Western troops in their operations at Brown's 
Ferry, October twenty-seventh, lost four killed and seventeen 
wounded. 

* Gen. John White Geary was born in Westmoreland Co., Pa., Dec. 30, 1819. Served in 
Mexican war as colonel, 2d Pa. Vols. Wounded at Chapultepec. First mayor of San Francisco 
(1850), and territorial governor of Kansas in 1856. At the outbreak of the CivilWar he raised the 
28th Pa. Vols, and went to the front as its colonel. Commissioned brig. gen. April 25, 1862; bre- 
vetted maj. gen. in 1865. Elected governor of Pa. in 1866. Died at Harrisburg, Pa., Feb. 8, 1873. 

207 



Gbe Gwclftb Corps 

The failure of General Bragg to drive Hooker out of Lookout 
Valley enabled Thomas to maintain communication with Bridge- 
port, and relieve his starving army. The "cracker line," as his 
soldiers called it, was open again. The Confederates still held 
Lookout Mountain in force, and hence the railroad and highway at 
its northern point remained in the enemy's hands. But, owing to 
the loop in the river, Brown's Ferry was only four miles from Chat- 
tanooga, and steamboats could ascend the stream to this point 
unmolested, while the wagon road by way of this ferry was now 
free all the way to Bridgeport. 

The battle of Wauhatchie was a brilliant affair, to say nothing of 
the important results gained by it. General Thomas was a man of 
few words, not given to flatter}', or the bestowal of unmerited 
praise. Hence, it is well to note the strong words in his General 
Order, No. 265, wherein he describes the fighting done by the com- 
mands of Geary and Smith, and adds that it " will rank among the 
most distinguished feats of arms of this war." 

Xoofcout flDountatn. 

In October, 1863, the War Department issued an order creating 
the Military Division of the Mississippi, composed of the Depart- 
ment of the Ohio, the Cumberland and the Tennessee, the command 
of which was given to General Grant. On receiving notice of this 
appointment he proceeded immediately to Chattanooga to acquaint 
himself with the condition of affairs in that Department, and after 
a few days he established his headquarters there. The battle of 
Wauhatchie having solved the question of supplies he decided on an 
offensive movement, planning a battle that would either destroy 
Bragg's army or drive it southward into Georgia, and, at the same 
time, relieve Burnside, who was besieged at Knoxville. To this end 
he ordered the Army of the Tennessee, under General Sherman, to 
move from Memphis to Chattanooga to reinforce the Army of the 
Cumberland. Sherman, with three divisions of the Fifteenth Corps 
and one of the Seventeenth, arrived at Lookout Valley on November 
twenty-second, where the Confederates, from their eyrie on Point 
Lookout, could watch the long columns and wagon trains as they 
moved on toward Chattanooga. 

The Fourth and Fourteenth corps, of the Army of the Cumber- 

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land — the troops that fought under Rosecrans at Chickamauga — 
were encamped on the southern outskirts of Chattanooga, in the 
valley bounded by Missionary Ridge on the east and Lookout Moun- 
tain on the west. Beyond the latter range, to the west, is situated 
Lookout Valley, in which Hooker's army was stationed. 

General Grant's first plan did not contemplate the storming of 
Lookout Mountain, his intention being to drive Bragg's forces off 
Missionary Ridge, combined with an attack on the Confederate lines 
that stretched across Chattanooga Valley near the town, which if 
successful would necessitate the evacuation of Lookout. With the 
seeming intention of giving Sherman an opportunity to win a full 
share of the honors of this battle, he planned that the latter should 
assault Missionary Ridge at its northern end, while Thomas should 
cooperate by attacking the enemy's line in the valley. To enable 
Sherman to accomplish this successfully Grant took the Eleventh 
Corps away from Hooker and ordered it, together with some other 
reinforcements from Thomas's command, to report to the com- 
mander of the Army of the Tennessee. 

On November twenty-third Thomas advanced a part of his 
forces, and, in a brief but brilliant affair, seized Orchard Knob, a 
slight elevation near the base of Missionary Ridge. But on the 
twenty-third the high water and driftwood in the river broke up the 
pontoon bridge at Brown's Ferry before Osterhaus's Division of 
Sherman's army could cross, leaving these troops behind in Lookout 
Valley. Grant then issued orders to Hooker to take the forces 
remaining in his command and, with Osterhaus's Division, make a 
threatening movement against Lookout Mountain, and to cany that 
position if the " demonstration should develop its practicability."* 

Hooker had now at his command in Lookout Valley Geary's 
Division of the Twelfth Corps; Cruft's Division of the Fourth Corps 
(Army of the Cumberland), consisting of two brigades, under Whit- 
aker and Grose; and Osterhaus's Division — two brigades under 
Woods and Williamson. 

Lookout Mountain is a long ridge, running north and south, with 
an elevation of 2,200 feet above tide, and 1,580 feet above the Ten- 
nessee River, which flows around its northern point. From the 
river the dividing line of its wooded slopes rises steeply to the base 

* Hooker's official report of the battle. 
14 209 



Gbe Gwelftb Corps 

of Point Lookout, where that end of the ridge terminates abruptly 
in a perpendicular wall of rock. A short distance down the slope 
from the foot of this palisade is a farm on which stands the building 
known as Craven's house, or the White House, as sometimes 
called. 

Near this house were posted two brigades of Stevenson's Division 
— Walthall's Mississippians, six regiments, and Moore's Alabamians, 
three regiments. During the battle they were reinforced by three 
regiments of Pettus's Alabama brigade. Other troops were on the 
summit of the ridge ; but owing to their position above the palisades 
they took no part in the fighting, and received no orders to reinforce 
those on the lower slope. A line of Confederate pickets was stretched 
along the bank of Lookout Creek at the base of the mountain. 

Hooker's plan of battle was complete: Geary's Division and 
Whitaker's Brigade were to cross Lookout Creek above Wauhatchie, 
ascend the western side of the mountain, and attack the position near 
the Craven house. Grose's Brigade (F'ourth Corps) was to rebuild 
the bridges near the railroad, over which Osterhaus's Division could 
cross and climb the hill to the support of Geary, or by swinging to 
the left establish connection with Thomas's line in Chattanooga 
Valley. The artillery, under Major John A. Reynolds, Twelfth 
Corps, was placed where it could direct an effective fire against the 
enemy's position on the mountain and cover Geary's advance. 

Early on the morning of November twenty-fourth Geary's com- 
mand left its camps at the foot of Lookout Valley and marched to 
Wauhatchie Junction, two and one-half miles distant, leaving four 
regiments on guard duty — the Seventy-eighth New York, One Hun- 
dred and Ninth Pennsylvania, Fifth and Twenty-ninth Ohio. The 
troops were massed behind a wooded hill where their movements could 
not be seen by the Confederates on Point Lookout. Geary then 
assembled his brigade and field officers and informed them that he had 
orders to assault the enemy's works on the mountain. He explained 
in detail the movements to be made, and gave instructions that the 
same information should be communicated to the company officers. 
The weather was damp and misty. A mass of drifting fog 
enveloped the summit of the mountain and upper slopes. Although 
it lifted at intervals the clouds obscured the outlook of the enemy's 
signal corps and enabled the movement to assume the nature of a 
surprise. Owing to the active work in view the men were in light 

210 




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marching order, having left their overcoats, blankets, and knapsacks 
in camp. 

The pioneers soon bridged the creek at this point, and the troops 
began crossing at eight-thirty a. m., the skirmishers capturing the 
entire picket post stationed there before it could give an alarm. Mov- 
ing by the right flank the column ascended the mountain until its 
advance reached the base of the high, rocky wall that forms the 
crest of the ridge. No opposition was encountered, for the enemy 
were not expecting any movement from this direction ; the summit 
of the mountain was inaccessible at this place. The Confederate 
position, with its rifle pits and other defenses, was over two miles 
distant, around the point of the mountain and on its northern slope. 
The attention of the Confederates was diverted by the operations of 
Osterhaus's men who were engaged in bridging the creek at different 
points near the front, during which they were massed in full view of 
the enemy. 

Geary's troops now faced to the left and front, and formed line 
of battle with Cobham's Brigade — two regiments only — on the 
right; Greene's Brigade, four regiments — now under command of 
Colonel Ireland — came next, forming the centre; Candy's Brigade 
held the left. Whitaker's Brigade, six regiments, was placed 350 
yards in the rear in a second or supporting line. The command as 
now formed faced the north and extended from the foot of the 
mountain up its western slope to the base of the precipice or crest. 
Shortly after nine o'clock the division advanced, the second line 
moving steadily and at proper distance in its support. 

The ground along which the troops moved has a slope of about 
forty-five degrees, is broken up transversely by ravines, and is 
covered with bowlders, loose stones, and patches of tangled under- 
growth. The sides of the ravines are so steep in places that the 
soldiers had to climb on their hands and knees, or pull themselves 
up by clinging to roots or saplings. Progress was laborious in the 
extreme, and the men were soon dripping with perspiration. Still 
the line advanced rapidly along the side of the hill despite these 
disadvantages and preserved an alignment with proper connection 
that was most remarkable under the circumstances. 

After going a mile or more the enemy's skirmishers were 
encountered, but they were driven back without lessening the 
rapidity of the advance. As the line moved on, the right kept 

211 



Gbc ftwclftb Corps 

closely to the base of the precipice while the left, or lower end of 
the line, using the right as a pivot, swung around the base of the 
mountain, driving the Confederates out of the rifle pits there and 
uncovering the fords on Lookout Creek where Osterhaus's Division 
and Grose's Brigade were to cross as soon as the bridges could be 
constructed. 

As the long line swept around the end of the mountain, the 
centre reached the plateau under Point Lookout where Walthall's 
Brigade was awaiting attack in an intrenched position. There was 
a brief interchange of shots by the skirmishers, and then the divi- 
sion, with fixed bayonets, charged on the double quick over the 
outer works. A few rapid volleys were delivered, and then Wal- 
thall's men, after a short but spirited resistance in which the fighting 
was very close, abandoned their position. The attack was so sud- 
den and vigorous that a large number of the enemy were captured, 
Walthall reporting a loss of 853 prisoners from his brigade alone. 
Many of the Confederates who had started to retreat were stopped 
by the fire of Reynolds's batteries posted in the valley beyond 
Lookout Creek, which exploded their shells so rapidly on the line 
of escape that these men preferred capture to running this deadly 
gauntlet. Geary states that this first success was gained in less 
than fifteen minutes after the troops became engaged. 

As it would be dangerous to weaken the line by detaching a suf- 
ficient force to guard the large number of prisoners taken at this 
time, the captured men were turned over to the care of some troops 
in the rear. Four battle flags were wrested from the hands of the 
enemy's color bearers in the fight — three by the One Hundred and 
Forty-ninth New York, and one by the Sixtieth New York. 

The advance was quickly resumed, with orders to sweep every- 
thing before it. The remainder of Walthall's regiments fell back 
to a second line of works, held by Moore's Brigade, where they 
were joined shortly after by General Pettus, with his three regi- 
ments of Alabamians. But Geary's men, fairly wild with enthusi- 
asm, drove the enemy back from each successive position where he 
attempted to make a stand. The Confederates on the top of the 
palisades opened with the artillery posted there ; but as they were 
unable to depress their guns sufficiently their shells burst in the air 
high above the heads of the attacking line, inflicting but little loss. 
Failing to accomplish anything with their artillery fire they used 
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shells as hand grenades, and lighting the fuses hurled them over the 
cliff. Their sharpshooters on the summit kept up an annoying fire 
for a while ; but the clouds which were drifting around the moun- 
tain soon obscured their view. 

Ireland's Brigade followed the Confederates closely as they gave 
ground, and drove them through a peach orchard and past the 
Craven house. As the One Hundred and Thirty-seventh New York 
dashed through the garden it captured two pieces of artillery planted 
there, taking the gunners prisoners. The regiment did not halt to 
place a guard over the guns, but, sweeping its colors over them to 
establish its claim as captors, this gallant command swept forward, 
eager to keep in front.* The returns for Moore's Brigade (Confed- 
erate) show that it lost 206 captured, most of whom were taken at 
this stage of the fighting. 

The three Confederate brigades, or their remnants, now fell back 
to a position on the east side of the mountain, where they formed 
a line to defend the Summertown road which leads to the summit. 
The attack was not continued because orders were received from 
Hooker at twelve-thirty p. m. to cease pursuit when the dividing 
line of the ridge was reached and to strengthen the position there. 
Geary had advanced considerably beyond this line, however, before 
he received the order. About one o'clock the enemy made a feeble 
effort to regain some of the lost ground, but they were easily repulsed 
by the One Hundred and Forty-ninth New York, under Lieutenant 
Colonel Randall, and a force of skirmishers, under Captain Stegman, 
of the One Hundred and Second New York. The fighting was 
now over ; the battle of Lookout Mountain was won. 

During the forenoon the troops in the Army of the Cumber- 
land, stationed in Chattanooga Valley, had listened anxiously to the 
tumult of the battle far above them ; but owing to the clouds that 
hung low upon the mountain they could only judge of its progress 
by the sound of the firing as it grew louder and nearer. At noon a 
rift in the fog disclosed Geary's headquarters flag, with its white star 
on a blue field, waving proudly from the heights near the Craven 

* These two guns are claimed in the official report of another command that followed in Ire- 
land's rear. The prisoners captured by Geary's men and sent back were also claimed by regi- 
ments in whose care they were placed. This duplication of accounts compelled Grant to call 
Hooker's attention to the fact that in " the reports of his subordinate commanders the number 
of prisoners captured" was "greater than the number really captured by the whole army." 
[Official Records, Vol. XXXI, part II, p. 325.] 

213 



Gbe Swelftb Corps 

house, and a cheer went up from the waiting, watching thousands 
that reached the victorious fighters on the mountain, who sent back 
a loud enthusiastic greeting in reply. 

Geary's troops were now relieved by regiments from the com- 
mands of Osterhaus and Grose who had effected a crossing, seized 
the road connecting with Thomas's right in the Chattanooga Valley, 
and ascended to the plateau at the Craven house. A dense fog 
now covered the hostile lines, and it prevailed during the remainder 
of the day. Objects could not be distinguished at a few yards dis- 
tance, and all was quiet for awhile. But the enemy resumed its fir- 
ing within an hour, continuing it in an irregular, desultory way 
until night. 

In the evening, about seven o'clock, Carlin's Brigade of the 
Fourteenth Corps reported to General Geary. These troops were 
assigned a position on the eastern side of the mountain where they 
commanded a portion of the Summertown road, and repulsed a night 
attack which was made from that direction. 

A drizzling rain had been falling, which with the cold wind that 
swept across the mountain rendered the men uncomfortable in the 
extreme. Wet to the skin, without blankets, and forbidden to make 
any fires, they suffered not a little. But they bore the exposure with 
fortitude, making no complaint. During the night the enemy 
evacuated the mountain, and the next morning the colors of the 
Eighth Kentucky and Twenty-ninth Pennsylvania were unfurled 
from the summit of Point Lookout. 

In view of the natural strength of the position the casualties in 
the ranks of the assailants were less than would be expected. The 
dash and discipline of the troops, combined with their high enthu- 
siasm and morale enabled them to carry the works of the enemy with 
a minimum of loss. Had there been any hesitation or unsteadiness, 
the loss of life would have been much greater. As it was, many 
brave men lost their lives. Major Elliott, of the One Hundred and 
Second New York, who was killed, was the first to fall. Lieutenant 
Colonel Avery, of the same regiment, was wounded, and suffered 
amputation of the thigh. Colonel Barnum, of the One Hundred 
and Forty-ninth New York, who went into the fight suffering from 
an unhealed wound received at Malvern Hill, was again struck down 
while cheering on his men. 

914 




^■1 



MONUMENT TO IRELAND'S NEW YORK BRIGADE, LOOKOUT MOUNTAIN. 
This brigade was commanded by Gen. Geo. S. Greene prior to Ihe battle of Wauhatclne, in which he was severely 
l( d. It was commanded at Lookout Mountain and on the Atlanta Campaign by Col. David Ireland. 



Gbe £welftb Corps 



flMssionan> IRioge. 

The battle of Missionary Ridge was fought November 25, 1863, 
the day following the fight on Lookout Mountain. During the 
night the Confederates had evacuated not only the mountain but 
also their line of works across the Chattanooga Valley, and General 
Bragg massed his forces on Missionary Ridge, his line extending 
from the railroad tunnel at the north to Rossville Gap on the south. 
The Confederates occupied, also, a strong line of rifle pits that ran 
along the western base of the ridge. 

General Grant's plan for this battle was that Sherman, with the 
Army of the Tennessee, should attack the north end of the ridge 
and drive the enemy back; that Thomas, with the Army of the 
Cumberland, should carry the intrenchments at its base; and that 
Hooker with his command should cross the valley to Rossville Gap 
and, attacking Bragg's left, cut off his retreat in that direction. 

To enable Sherman to carry out his part of the work success- 
fully, Grant placed at his disposal the Eleventh Corps and Davis's 
Division of the Fourteenth, in addition to the Army of the Ten- 
nessee. The Confederate position in his front was held by Cleburne's 
Division — four brigades — with two additional brigades that came 
to his assistance during the course of the engagement. 

But Sherman was unable to carry out the part allotted to him in 
the plan of the battle. His forces moved to the assault early in the 
morning, and after fighting gallantly for several hours were repulsed 
with heavy loss, leaving eight stands of colors and over 300 prisoners 
in the hands of the enemy. 

The Fourth and Fourteenth Corps had been in line all the fore- 
noon, ready to take part in the battle. Grant and Thomas were on 
Orchard Knob anxiously waiting for the expected success of Sher- 
man; but, as Grant says, "Sherman's condition was getting so 
critical that the assault for his relief could not be delayed any 
longer." * At two-thirty p. m. the order was given for the troops 
to attack the rifle pits at the base of the mountain. This was done 
with a rush, and the Confederates retreated up the hill sides. But 
the Union soldiers, fired with success and military ardor, continued 
in pursuit, and, although no orders had been issued for any advance 

* BatUes and Leaders. Vol. Ill, p. 706. 

915 



Zbe Gwelftb Corps 

beyond the lower intrenchments, kept on and upward until they 
planted a long line of flags on the summit of the ridge. The enemy 
abandoned the ground and the battle was won. 

Hooker's forces started from Lookout Mountain at ten a. m., and 
crossing Chattanooga Valley marched for Rossville Gap and the 
south end of Missionary Ridge, about six miles distant. Osterhaus's 
Division had the lead; then came Cruft, followed by Geary. The 
bridge over Chattanooga Creek had been destroyed, and so the col- 
umn was delayed here three hours awaiting its rebuilding. It was 
three o'clock in the afternoon when Hooker's advance reached the 
southern end of Missionary Ridge at Rossville Gap. The battle was 
already raging on Thomas's front, at the centre of the line. 

After a sharp little fight Osterhaus drove the enemy out of the 
gap and from the end of the ridge. Geary's Division, with the 
artillery, now turned to the left and north, skirting the base of the 
mountain range. Cruft advanced along the top of the ridge, while 
Osterhaus moved along the rear or eastern base. 

Away to the left the battle had reached the decisive point, and 
Bragg's army was in retreat along the whole line. The sight of the 
fleeing Confederates with the shells bursting in their disordered ranks 
excited the White Stars, and Geary's men advanced with such 
impetuosity that, according to Major Reynolds's report, the artillery 
had to trot and several times force the horses into a gallop to keep 
pace with the infantry. The brigades of Creighton and Cobham 
ascended the heights, and joining on the left with Johnson's Division 
of the Fourteenth Corps, assisted in the capture of a large number 
of prisoners and several pieces of artillery belonging to Stewart's 
Division. 

Pursuit was continued the next morning, Bragg's army retreat- 
ing southward to Ringgold and Dalton. Arriving at West Chicka- 
mauga Creek Hooker's column was forced to halt, as the enemy 
had destroyed the bridge. A foot bridge was constructed on which 
the infantry crossed, the field officers swimming their horses; but 
the artillery had to await the arrival of the pontoon train. Geary's 
Division bivouacked that night at the foot of Pigeon Hills, four 
miles from Ringgold. 

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On the morning of November twenty-seventh Geary's Divi- 
sion left its place of bivouac and marched to Ringgold, entering the 
town at eight o'clock. This place is twenty-eight miles south of 
Chattanooga, and had at this time a population of over 2,000. 
Osterhaus's Division, which had the advance that morning, was 
already engaged with the enemy's forces, driving them back to the 
hills beyond the town. Cleburne's Division was occupying a strong 
position there in order to gain time in which the wagon trains could 
cross the bridges on the Catoosa Creek, and place a safe distance 
between them and their pursuers. 

A wooded range of hills, about 500 feet high, called Taylor's 
Ridge, lay in rear of the town. A narrow defile led through it, 
the bottom of which was scarcely wide enough for the river, high- 
way, and railroad track. Cleburne's troops, reputed as the best 
in Bragg's army, held this pass and the hills on either side, with a 
section of artillery posted at the mouth of the gorge. Osterhaus's 
two brigades were making a gallant effort to carry the heights and, 
by gaining the summit, turn the position. 

Hooker ordered Geary to send a brigade to the left of the pass, 
and charge up the hill. Candy's Brigade, now under command of 
Colonel Creighton, was selected for this dangerous task. Creigh- 
ton's four regiments moved rapidly across the plain to the foot of 
the ridge, under a severe fire from the summit and climbed its steep 
sides. The ascent was slow and difficult. The men were sub- 
jected to a deadly fire from sharpshooters who were protected by 
rocks and trees. Three of the regiments reached a position near 
the top of the ridge, where they delivered several effective volleys 
and were in a fair way to scale the heights. But the Seventh Ohio 
was compelled to ascend through a ravine where they encountered 
a fire on front and flank that cut down its officers and men at a 
rapid rate. It returned the fire gallantly, and pressed on until its 
skirmishers were near the top. The enemy, now strongly reinforced, 
sent volley after volley into the ranks of this brave regiment until 
all of its officers except one were shot down and the ranks were 
thinned so rapidly that success was hopeless. Lieutenant-Colonel 
Crane, who was in command, was killed, and the regiment was with- 
out officers ; but the men kept up the desperate fight. Creighton 

217 



£be Ewelfrb Corps 

then gave the order to retreat, and they fell back, bringing off as 
many of their wounded as possible. The enemy's fire continued, 
and soon after reaching the foot of the hill the gallant Creighton 
fell, dying with a half-uttered cheer upon his lips. The three other 
regiments held a well-protected position, about forty yards below 
the crest, but as their flanks were exposed by this break in the line, 
Geary ordered them to retire also and form on the line below. 

In the meanwhile Cobham's two regiments, which had been 
massed behind the large stone building at the railway station, were 
sent to the right in support of one of Osterhaus's brigades which 
was hard pressed. Ireland's Brigade was also ordered to the relief 
of Osterhaus on the right, his troops moving forward on the double 
quick under a storm of canister and bullets. Forming on Cobham's 
right, these two brigades checked the Confederates in their advance 
and drove them back within the gap. A small detail from the One 
Hundred and Forty-ninth New York, occupying a hastily constructed 
breastwork, silenced the section of brass guns posted at the opening 
of the pass, and captured the guidon of the battery, together with a 
regimental flag bearing the stars and bars of the Confederacy. But 
the artillerists, after several unsuccessful attempts, succeeded in 
dragging the two guns within the protecting cover of the narrow 
defile. 

At noon Hooker's artillery, under Major Reynolds, came on the 
field, the horses galloping forward under whip and spur. Reynolds 
had been delayed by the construction of the bridge over Chickamauga 
Creek. His guns opened with marked effect, enfilading the gap 
and shelling the heights, after which the enemy's fire soon ceased 
and his troops could be seen hurrying through the pass in full retreat. 
The Confederates attempted to burn the two bridges over the 
Catoosa Creek, just beyond the farther or eastern end of the defile; 
but a force of skirmishers from the One Hundred and Second New 
York under Capt. Lewis R. Stegman, who had followed close on 
the heels of the retreating troops, opened a hot fire on their rear 
guard, under cover of which Stegman's men extinguished the flames 
at the railroad bridge, while a portion of them pushed on and saved 
the other one. General Grant, who had now arrived on the field, 
gave orders to discontinue the pursuit. 

Geary's Division remained at Ringgold two days longer, during 
which the mills, tanneries, manufactories, railroad buildings, and 

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other structures that might be serviceable to the Confederacy were 
ordered burned. In the conflagration that followed some private 
dwellings were also destroyed. On December first the division left 
Ringgold before daylight and returned that day to its encampment 
in Lookout Valley. 

Hooker wanted to follow Bragg, believing that he could achieve 
good results, and entertained feelings of regret afterward that per- 
mission to do so was denied him. He was also annoyed on his return 
by the criticism of his management at the battle of Ringgold. In 
a communication to the Secretary of War February 25, 1864, he 
takes occasion to say that " Influence has been at work to throw dust 
in the eyes of the public in regard to Ringgold, and it is to divert 
attention from the bungling operations on the enemy's right, which 
were really deplorable. The great mistake of all was in checking 
the pursuit at Ringgold ; for if one-half of the marching had been 
done there that was done in going to Knoxville the greater part of 
Bragg's army, and certainly all of its material, would now have been 
ours." * 

The losses of the Seventh Ohio at Ringgold were severe. The 
regiment went into action with 14 officers and 206 enlisted men. 
Every officer was killed or wounded except one. In addition to 
the colonel and lieutenant-colonel, the adjutant and two line offi- 
cers were killed, and eight line officers wounded. Capt. Charles T. 
Greene, Assistant Adjutant General of the Third Brigade, was 
severely wounded by an unexploded shell that, passing through the 
body of his horse, shattered his leg so that amputation was neces- 
sary. He was a son of General Greene, who had commanded this 
brigade until he was disabled at Wauhatchie. 

The strength of Hooker's forces engaged at Ringgold was : 

Osterhaus's Division, Fifteenth Corps, - • - - 3,375 

Geary's Division, Twelfth Corps, - - - - - 1,989 



Total, --------- 5,364 



# Official Records, Vol. XXXII, Part II, p. 468. 

819 



Gbc Gwelftb Corps 



The losses were : 












Killed. 


Wounded. 


Missing, j Aggregate. 


Osterhaus's Division, ... 
Geary's Division, ... 


51 
34 


310 

169 


42 


403 
203 


Total, - - - - - 


85 


479 


42 606 



Cleburne states in his official report that he took into this action 
"4,157 bayonets." With the usual number of officers this would 
give him a strength of about 4,500. He reports his loss at 20 killed. 
190 wounded, and 11 missing; total, 221. He mentions the capture 
of two flags from Osterhaus's Division, specifying the regiments 
from which they were taken ; but he fails to report the two taken 
from his troops by Geary's men. He claims in explanation of his 
retreat that at noon he received a despatch from General Hardee to 
the effect that the trains were then well advanced and that he might 
withdraw in safety. 

The casualties in Geary's command at the battle of Lookout 
Mountain were: 





Killed. 


Wounded. 


Missing. 


Aggregate. 


Geary's Division, - 

Whitakers' Brigade, - - - 


22 
17 


116 
63 


2 


138 
82 


Total, 


39 


179 


2 


220 



In addition, Osterhaus's Division lost 13 killed and wounded; 
Grose's Brigade, 26; and Carlin's Brigade, 36. 

The losses, by regiments, in Geary's Division at the two engage- 
ments — Lookout Mountain and Ringgold — were : 



220 



Zbc Swelftb Corpe 

Second Division — Twelfth Corps. 
Brig. Gen. John W. Geaey. 





Killed. 


Wounded. 


Missing. 


Aggregate. 


First Brigade. 










Col. Charles Candy. 










7th Ohio, ----- 


16 


58 


- 


•74 


66th Ohio, ... - 


5 


10 


- 


•15 


28th Pennsylvania, ... 


4 


30 


- 


•34 


147 th Pennsylvania, - 


1 


18 


- 


•19 


Second Brigade. 










Col. George A. Cobham. 










29th Pennsylvania, - 


3 


9 


- 


12 


111th Pennsylvania, - 


1 


9 


- 


10 


Third Brigade. 










Col. David Ireland. 










60th New York, - 


7 


43 


- 


50 


102nd New York, 


3 


11 


- 


14 


137th New York, - 


6 


32 


- 


38 


149th New York, 


10 


64 


- 


74 


General Staff, - - - - - 


- 


1 


- 


1 


Total, - 


56 


285 


- 


341 



* Loss occurred at Ringgold. 

In connection with these losses it should be remembered that the 
regiments were small, the average strength being 236 only. 

On December third General Grant, in special recognition of the 
gallant services rendered by the White Star Division in the recent 
campaign, gave it a review. To add honor to the occasion the great 
commander was accompanied by Generals Thomas, Hooker, Hun- 
ter, Butterfield and other generals, together with a large cavalcade 
of staff officers. The men, by their fine drill, excellent marching, 
and neat personal appearance, heightened the good impression 
already made by their meritorious conduct in action. 

Soon after Geary's Division returned to its camp in Lookout 
Valley a man in one of the Pennsylvania regiments was convicted 
by a court-martial of the crime of robbing the dead on the battle- 
field of Lookout Mountain. The evidence showing that he had 

221 



Zbc Gwelftb Corps 

been detected in the act he was dishonorably discharged and sen- 
tenced to be drummed out of camp. The division having been 
drawn up in a hollow square the prisoner was marched in, seated, 
while a barber made ready to shave his head. At this point, as 
Captain Collins says in his history cf the One Hundred and Forty- 
ninth New York, "General Geary approached, and a scene fol- 
lowed which can only be appreciated by those who knew the man 
and his fiery temper. He commenced an address to the culprit by 
saying he was sorry any man in his division, and especially from his 
native State, had been guilty of the damnable crime of profanity of 
the dead. Here his temper gave way, and then followed a tirade 
of invectives, curses, abuse, and an exhibition that would put a 
Spanish bull-fight in the shade. The barber was paralyzed, the 
guards were dumbfounded, and the division, if not of heroes, would 
have taken to cover. The General, however, must have forgotten 
himself, for he did not boot the man, who looked disappointed at 
the omission. When this diatribe was over, the barber finished 
shaving the man's head, and removed his mustache, beard and eye- 
brows. The culprit, lead by a drum and fife playing the ' Rogue's 
March ' and followed by the guards with charged bayonets, was 
then marched up and down the division lines weeping like a child. 
The men were encouraged to jeer when the procession passed, but 
remained silent. When the march was over the culprit, like the 
' scape goat ' of old bearing the sins of the nation, was let loose in 
the wilderness of Wauhatchie and never heard of afterward. ' ' 

A few days after a far different and pleasanter ceremony took 
place. The One Hundred and Forty-ninth and Sixtieth New York 
marched to Hooker's headquarters, where General Geary presented 
the six flags captured by his division at Lookout Mountain and 
Ringgold — the only colors taken by the Union troops in these 
engagements. Speeches were made by General Geary and Colonel 
Barnum, after which the captured trophies were received in behalf 
of General Hooker by his chief of staff, General Butterfield, who 
responded in words highly complimentary to the division. Colonel 
Barnum, in recognition of his services and the regiment he repre- 
sented, was deputized to take the flags to the War Department in 
Washington, with permission to exhibit them in the principal cities 
on his route. 

To facilitate the transportation of supplies, the division left Look- 

222 



Gbe Gwelftb Corpa 

out Valley in the first week of January, 1864, the First and Second 
Brigades going to Bridgeport, aud the Third to Stevenson, Ala- 
bama, where the regiments went into winter quarters and remained 
during the next four months. 

Williams's Division during the winter of 1863-64 guarded that 
portion of the railroad between Bellbuckle and Cowan. For the 
greater part of this time the different regiments were stationed as 
follows : , 

Corps and Division Headquarters, - - Tullahoma. 

107th New York — 3 companies, - - Bellbuckle. 

107th New York — 3 companies, - - Wartrace. 

107th New York — 4 companies, - - Shelby ville. 

150th New York — 8 companies, - - Normandy. 

150th New York — 2 companies, - - Garrison's Bridge. 

13th New Jersey, ----- Duck River. 
27th Indiana, ----- Tullahoma. 

2nd Massachusetts, - - Tullahoma. 

123rd New York — 9 companies, - - Elk River. 

123rd New York — 1 company, - Estill Springs. 

46th Pennsylvania, - Decherd. 

5th Connecticut, - - Cowan. 

145th New York, - Tan talon. 

3rd Maryland, - - - Bridgeport. 

3rd Wisconsin, - Fayetteville. 

Though the duty was light a continued watchfulness was neces- 
sary, as the country was infested with guerrillas, bushwhackers, and 
small bands of partisan rangers. Some of the regiments lost men 
repeatedly who were waylaid while outside their camp or on some 
foraging expedition, and murdered. On the evening of December 
twenty-third, Lieut. S. D. Porter, Twenty-seventh Indiana, and 
four unarmed soldiers who had been loading a detached wagon of 
a forage train were captured by guerrillas near the village of Mul- 
berry, twenty-six miles southwest of Tullahoma. The guerrillas 
took their prisoners to a place on the bank of the Elk River, where 
they arrived about one o'clock in the night, tied their hands behind 
them and robbed them. The unfortunate men were then placed in 
line about five paces in front of their captors, who, at the word of 
command, fired a volley at them. One of the prisoners was killed 
instantly and three were wounded. Lieutenant Porter was not hit. 
He immediately ran, jumped into the river, got his hands loose, and 

223 



Zbc ftwelftb Corps 

swimming to the opposite side escaped. The others were thrown 
into the stream where they either died of their wounds or were 
drowned, except one who, despite his wound, succeeded in freeing 
his hands and making his way to a hospital. 

General Thomas, on hearing of this outrage, ordered that the 
property of all rebel citizens living within ten miles of the place 
where these men were captured, be assessed ; and that each should 
pay his proportion according to his wealth, towards a levy of $30,000, 
to be paid to the families of the three murdered soldiers, $10,000 to 
each. This order provided, also, that if any person failed to pay his 
assessment within one week enough of his personal property should 
be seized and sold at auction to settle his liability. 

General Slocum, who was charged with the execution of this 
order, detailed for this purpose Col. John H. Ketcham, One Hun- 
dred and Fiftieth New York, who with three companies of his own 
regiment and three of the Thirteenth New Jersey went to Mulberry. 
Colonel Ketcham collected over $25,000 in cash — a large part of 
which was paid in gold — and seized enough forage, cotton, etc., to 
ensure the completion of the fund. 

This drastic measure did not have the deterrent effect that 
might be expected, for on Ketcham's return two men of his com- 
mand who were marching a short distance ahead of the troops were 
waylaid and killed by a party of bushwhackers. This occurred so 
near the train that the shots were plainly heard. As the personal 
property taken under this enforced levy brought on sale an excess 
of $5,654.57 above the amount required, this sum was divided 
between the families of the two soldiers in the One Hundred and 
Fiftieth New York who were killed during the return of the expe- 
dition. To prevent as far as possible any repetition of these out- 
rages, General Slocum ordered the Third Wisconsin to Fayetteville, 
after which this regiment remained on duty there until the opening 
of the spring campaign. 

When the Twelfth Corps was transferred to Tennessee the men 
expected that their arrival would be greeted with the usual mani- 
festation of gladness accorded to reinforcements at a critical time. 
But to their surprise the Western troops behaved in a most unac- 
countable manner. They gave the Gettysburg veterans a cold 
reception, and evinced an unfriendly feeling that showed itself often 
in outspoken derision or jeering cries of "Soft bread," "Paper 
collars," "Bull Run," "Rappahannock," " Feather beds, " "Kid 

894 



Gbe Gwelftb Corpa 

gloves, ' ' and such other epithets as they could devise. They seemed 
to take exception to the care which the Twelfth Corps soldiers 
bestowed on matters of personal appearance, equipments, and polic- 
ing of camps, evidently regarding it as a reflection on their own 
slouchy looks and ill-kept quarters. The frequency of company calls 
in the regiments of the Red Star Division, and the corps badge 
itself, were special objects of derision, they having no such " damned 
nonsense " in their army as they phrased it. 

The Potomac men made little or no reply, but contented them- 
selves in regarding each noisy demonstration with a well-simulated 
indifference that angered the rabble and incited it to redoubled 
efforts. This remarkable display of poor discipline and unsoldierly 
behavior was most apparent in the troops who were doing garrison 
duty and who had seen no other service worth mention up to that 
time. General Williams in a despatch, asking that some of these 
superfluous regiments within his territory might be assigned to duty 
elsewhere, alludes to them as troops with " different notions of duty, 
and a most unaccountable prejudice." 

• Though the Twelfth Corps veterans treated these outbreaks with 
silence and contempt, the persistent annoyance was liable to lead to 
serious results, and a general order was issued to the troops in Wil- 
liams's Division cautioning them in the matter. In one case, how- 
ever, the men concluded that silence was no longer necessary. It 
was discovered that a certain regiment which had been especially 
conspicuous by its abuse and noisy epithets had once signed a peti- 
tion asking that it might be allowed to do guard duty at Nashville, 
in return for which exemption it offered to serve for half pay. The 
next time these men opened their mouths they received a blast in 
kind that drove them silent and dumbfounded to their tents. 

It is pleasant to note here that some of the Western regiments 
stationed near the camps of the Twelfth Corps were an exception. 
They were a well-drilled, fine-looking lot of fellows, who did all they 
could to discountenance the unseemly behavior of the other troops. 
The Potomac men appreciating their friendly advances and kindly 
greetings, fraternized with them at every opportunity. 

The troops at the front did not manifest any such open hostility, 
although many of them evidently regarded the newcomers with 
jealousy, and showed a lack of cordiality in their intercourse. But 
the gallant fighting done by the Star Corps at Lookout Mountain 

15 285 



£bc ftwclftb Corps 

and on the Atlanta campaign soon dissipated their mistaken ideas, 
and the matter was soon forgotten. 

The troops in Williams's Division passed a pleasant winter. 
Aside from the guerrillas there was nothing to break the routine of 
camp life, or disturb their rest and enjoyment. Each regiment, 
wherever it was stationed, erected substantial cabins — warm, com- 
fortable, and, to a soldier's idea, quite homelike. The days passed 
quickly, much of the time being occupied with regular duties — 
guard mounting, drill, and dress parade. 

Chaplain Quint says that at Tullahoma there were divers dances, 
several excursions to cave and waterfall, and such like; and that 
" the prisoners tossed each newcomer in a blanket." The Christian 
Commission meetings were well attended. Everybody got vacci- 
nated, because the smallpox was raging in the post hospital near by. 
The soldiers' graveyard was put in order by the good Chaplain. 
Boards and lumber were fairly plenty after Colonel Cogswell con- 
scripted a sawmill. Guerrillas made a raid a few miles off, tore up 
the railroad, and shot a few prisoners they had taken. General 
Slocum had a reception or two at the mansion occupied as his 
headquarters. And so it went. 

At Shelby ville — the largest town in that part of the State — 
the One Hundred and Seventh New York received a hospitable 
welcome. The regiment was in evidence at each ball, party, or 
social function, and did its best to make a gay winter of it. Slocum 
and his staff came over from Tullahoma on one occasion, and 
attended a ball that night at Steele's Hotel. General Ruger kindly 
granted a request for the brigade band, after which the Shelbyville 
girls were treated to some fine serenades. There was considerable 
flirtation, some love making, and when the regiment broke camp 
for the spring campaign it marched away to the tune of " The Girl 
I left behind me." 

During the latter part of April Colonel Pardee, One Hundred 
and Forty-seventh Pennsylvania, with 400 men from Candy's Brig- 
ade, took charge of and manned one of the gunboats which had just 
been built at Bridgeport. The principal duty of this improvised 
naval force consisted in patrolling the Tennessee River, west of 
Bridgeport. When the army moved to the front in May the {run- 
boat was turned over to the post quartermaster and the crew rejoined 
their respective regiments. 

In April General Slocum was assigned to the command of the 

826 



£be ftwelftb Corps 

District of Yicksburg, an important position, both in the extent of 
territory and number of troops placed under him. On the evening 
of April seventh the officers of the various regiments on duty at 
Tullahoma called on him in a body to pay their respects before his 
departure. Arriving at his headquarters — the house used as a 
summer residence by Judge Catron — there was a serenade by the 
brigade band, after which General Slocum came to the door. 
Colonel Cogswell, of the Second Massachusetts, made an address in 
which he expressed on behalf of the others present their high regard 
for the corps commander and deep regret that he was to leave them. 
The general's reply was kind but brief. His voice betrayed emo- 
tion, and he evidently dare not trust himself to say more. On his 
invitation the party entered the house where they were entertained 
during the evening by the general and his staff. But, as it after- 
ward happened, there was no need of sad farewells. It was destined 
that the general should again ride at the head of his corps, again 
lead it to victory and in triumphant review. 

The following order issued by General Slocum at this time is 
characteristic of his loyal spirit and subservience to the best inter- 
ests of the army. 

Headquarters Twelfth Army Corps, 

Tullahoma, Tenn., April 9, 1864. 
General Orders, ) 

No. 7. J 

By virtue of General Orders, No. 5, Headquarters Military Division of the 
Mississippi, the Eleventh and Twelfth Corps are consolidated, and will here- 
after compose the First * Army Corps. 

The official history of the Twelfth Army Corps, from its organization to the 
present day, and particularly its action at Antietam, Chancellorsville, Gettys- 
burg, and its recent services in the Department of the Cumberland, justifies 
every soldier in the indulgence of a feeling of pride from his connection with it 
and of regret at the loss of the insignia by which the corps has been distin- 
guished, and which has become a badge of honor, f 

This consolidation separates me from the troops with whom I have been 
identified for the past eighteen months. I know, however, that the measure has 
been adopted solely with a view of promoting the interest of the service, and I 
would not have my personal interests or feelings, nor those of my command, 
considered for a moment against any measure having this object in view. 

The credit accorded to the soldier at the present hour is not his true reward 

• Subsequently changed by order of General Grant to Twentieth Corps. 
tThe badge of the Twelfth Corps was retained. 

227 



Ubc twelfth Corps 

for the privation and hardships lie is enduring, nor does this reward depend upon 
the army or corps to which he may be attached. Let us bring this contest to a 
successful termination ; let us restore peace and prosperity to the country. To 
him who loves his country, the consciousness of the fact that he has borne his 
part in the contest, and been an instrument in the accomplishment of the great 
work, will be the highest and best reward that can be bestowed upon him. 

The cordial and earnest support afforded me upon all occasions by the offi- 
cers of my command, and the soldierly bearing and uniform good conduct of the 
men, have rendered me deeply attached to my corps, and I leave it with feelings 
of profound regret. 

H. W. SLOCUM, 

Official: H. C. Rodgers, Major-General. 

Assistant Adjutant-General. 

Corps IRumbcr Cbangeb Hgain. 

On April 4, 1864, the Eleventh and Twelfth Corps were con- 
solichited pursuant to General Order, No. 144, and the new organi- 
zation was designated as the Twentieth. The divisions of Williams 
and Geary remained unchanged, aside from the accessions received 
from the Eleventh Corps. A third division was formed composed 
of two brigades of Western troops then on duty in Tennessee, and 
one brigade from the Eleventh Corps. The command of this Third 
Division was given to General Butterfield.* There was a fourth 
division, also, composed of Western troops, under General Rous- 
seau; but this division was assigned to garrison duty in Tennessee 
and did not accompany the corps to the front. Few, if any, of the 
men in the corps knew that it had a Fourth Division; and it was 
not until the official records were published, long after the war, 
that some of them then learned for the first time of its existence. 

The order for the consolidation as first issued provided that this 
new organization should be designated the First Army Corps. The 
one in the Army of the Potomac bearing that number had been 
consolidated with the Fifth, leaving its number vacant. But Gen- 
eral Grant, who specified this number in his original order, changed 
his mind, and wrote Halleck, April 6, 1864, saying: 

*Gen. Daniel Butterfield was born in Utica, N. Y., Oct. 31, 1831. Graduated at Union 
College in 1849. Colonel of 12th N. Y. S. M., May 2, 1861. Commissioned in Regular Army as 
lieut. col. 12th U. S. Infy., May 14, 1861. Appointed brig. gen. volunteers Sept. 7, 1861, and 
major general, Nov. 29, 1862. Commissioned colonel 5th U. S. Infy., July 1, 1863. Received 
Medal of Honor at Gaines' Mill, Va. Commanded 5th Corps at Fredericksburg. Was Chief of 
Staff, Army of Potomac, at Chancellorsville and Gettysburg. Died July 17, 1901, in New York. 



£be Gwenttetb Corps 

The First and Third Corps having been merged into other corps, with the 
possibility of being filled up hereafter and restored to their corps organization, 
I would like to have the number of Hooker's corps changed to the Twentieth 
Corps. It will cause dissatisfaction to give number One to any other but the 
old corps having that number. To retain either the number Eleven or Twelve 
will probably have the same effect with those losing their number. 

U. S. GRANT, 

Lieutenant-General. 

General Grant was right in thus preventing the use of the name 
which the First Corps had already inscribed on the tablet of History. 
Aside from the injustice of the proposition the use of the same 
designation for two different corps would tend to some confusion in 
the records. And yet, in designating this new organization as 
the Twentieth he revived the defunct number of a corps in the 
Army of the Cumberland, which had been consolidated with 
another but a few months before. Grant was mistaken also in his 
statement that the retention of either title — Eleventh or Twelfth — 
would "probably" cause dissatisfaction. But when it was plainly 
shown to him that this was an error, as will be explained here, 
he neglected to correct it or to respect the wishes of the thousands 
of veteran soldiers interested in the matter. 

The troops of the Twelfth Corps, whose designation had already 
been changed twice, protested against this needless juggling with 
their corps number. As the Twelfth they had won renown on the 
historic fields of Virginia and Tennessee; with a change of name 
they must begin a new and different record. The men in the 
Eleventh Corps objected to the designation Twentieth, preferring 
that the new command should wear the star badge and be known 
as the Twelfth. 

On April 14, 1864, General Hooker sent the following com- 
munication to Headquarters, Army of the Cumberland : 

Brigadier General Whipple, 

Chief of Staff , Chattanooga: 

I think it would be more for the interests of the service to have the consoli- 
dated corps under my command known as the Twelfth Corps, instead of the 
Twentieth. Should it meet General Thomas's approval, I would like him to 
telegraph to General Sherman requesting, through him, the War Department 
to make the change. I have no personal interest in it, but think it very desir- 

229 



Gbc twentieth Corps 

able for the troops. It would gratify the pride and wishes of the Twelfth 
Corps; the greater portion, in fact nearly all, of the Eleventh Corps unite with 
the Twelfth in the wish.* To the new division it is of course immaterial. I 
am, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

JOSEPH HOOKER, 

Major- General. 

On the following day General Thomas telegraphed Sherman, at 
Nashville, as follows: 

Eleventh and Twelfth Corps unite in the request that the new corps be des- 
ignated the Twelfth Corps instead of the Twentieth. As it would meet the 
wishes of all concerned, I would recommend that the designation of the new 
corps be changed from the Twentieth to the Twelfth. 

GEO. H. THOMAS, 

Major -General Commanding: 

To this highly proper and reasonable request Sherman sent the 
following ungracious reply : 

Nashville, Tenn., April 16, 1864. 
General Thomas, 

Chattanooga : 

I will telegraph to Washington about the title of Hooker's corps, but want 
him to go on with his organization regardless of the mere number which is an 
immaterial title. It will be better known as Hooker's corps than by its 
numerical designation. 

W. T. SHERMAN, 

Major - General. 

And this, of course, was the end of the matter. A " mere 
number 1 " An "immaterial title!" Sherman evidently had but 
little conception of the military phrase esprit de corps. As corps 
badges were unknown in the Army of the Tennessee at this time, 
no attention was paid to a little matter of that kind, and so the star 
badge was retained, the proposition receiving the concurrence and 
approval of the Eleventh Corps. But the Twelfth Corps were 

* In further relation to the generous action of the Eleventh Corps at this time, see Howard's 
letter to Halleck written several months previous (July 29, 1863', approving plan to merge this 
corps with the Second and Twelfth; also, Gordon to Howard, same date, asking that his division 
be transferred to the Twelfth; and letters of Meade, von Steinwehr, Schurz, Buschbeck, and 
Orland Smith. (Official Records, Vol. XXVII, Part III, pp. 778, 779, 784. 785, 792 ) 
230 



ftbe Gwentietb Corps 

embittered by the needless effacement of the name they had made 
so honorable, a feeling that still rankles in the breast of every vet- 
eran of that command. 

The roster of the Twentieth Corps at the beginning of the 
Atlanta campaign, May 1, 1804, was: 

Twentieth Army Corps. 

Ma j. Gen. Joseph Hooker.* 

Maj. Gen. Henry W. Slocum. 

First Division (Red Star). 
Brig. Gen. Alpheus S. Williams. 

First Brigade. 
Brig. Gen. Joseph F. Knipe. 
5th Connecticut, ... Col. Warren W. Packer. 
3rd Maryland (detachment), - Lieut. David Gore. 

123rd New York, - - - Col. Archibald L. McDougall.f 

141st New York, - - - Col. William K. Logie.f 

46th Pennsylvania, - Col. James L. Selfridge. 

Second Brigade. 
Brig. Gen. Thomas H. Ruger. 
27th Indiana, ... Col. Silas Colgrove. 

2nd Massachusetts, - - - Col. William CogswelL 

13th New Jersey, - - - Col. Ezra A. Carman. 

107th New York, - - - Col. Nirom M. Crane. 

150th New York, - - - Col. John H. Ketcham. 

3rd Wisconsin, ... Col. William Hawley. 

Third Brigade. 
Col. James S. Robinson. 
82nd Illinois, ... Lieut. Col. Edward S. Salomon. 

101st Illinois, - Lieut. Col. John B. Le Sage. 

45th New York, ... Col. Adolphus Dobke. 

143rd New York, ... Col. Horace Boughton. 

61st Ohio, - Col. Stephen J. McGroarty. 

82nd Ohio, - Lieut. Col. David Thompson. 

81st Wisconsin, - - - Col. Francis H. West. 

* General Hooker commanded the corps until July twenty-eighth; General A. S.Williams 
from July twenty-eighth to August twenty-seventh; and General Slocum from August twenty- 
seventh until his promotion to the command of the Army of Georgia. 

t Killed in the Atlanta campaign. 

231 



£be Swentlctb Corpa 



1st New York, Battery I, - 
1st New York, Battery M, 



Artillery. 

Lieut. Charles E. Winegar. 
Capt. John D. Woodbury. 



5th Ohio, 

7th Ohio, - 

29th Ohio, 

66th Ohio, - 

28th Pennsylvania, 

147th Pennsylvania, 



33rd New Jersey, 

119th New York, - 

134th New York, 

154th New York, - 

27th Pennsylvania, 

73rd Pennsylvania, 

109th Pennsylvania, 



60th New York, 
78th New York, 
102nd New York, 
137th New York, 
149th New York, 
29th Pennsylvania, 
111th Pennsylvania, 



Second Division (White Star). 
Beig. Gen. John W. Geaey. 

First Brigade. 
Col. Chaeles Candy. 

- Col. John H. Patrick. * 
Lieut. Col. Samuel McClelland. 

- Col. William T. Fitch. 
Lieut. Col. Eugene Powell. 

- Lieut. Col. John Flynn. 
Col. Ario Pardee, Jr. 

Second Brigade. 
Col. Adolphus Buschbeck. 

- Col. George W. MindiL 
Col. John T. Lockman. 

- Lieut. Col. Allan H. Jackson. 
Col. Patrick H. Jones. 

- Lieut. Col. August Riedt. 
Maj. Charles C. Cresson. 

- Capt. Frederick L. Gimber. 

Third Brigade. 
Col. David Ieeland. 

Col. Abel Godard. 

- Lieut. Col. Harvey S. Chatfield. 
Col. James C. Lane. 

- Lieut. Col. Koert S. Van Voorliis. 
Lieut. Col. Charles B. Randall.* 

- Col. William Rickards, Jr. 
Col. George A. Cobham, Jr.* 



Artillery. 



New York Light, 13th Battery, 
Pennsylvania Light, Battery E, ■ 



Capt. William Wheeler. 
Capt. James D. McGill. 



* Killed in Atlanta campaign. 



838 



102nd Illinois, 

105th Illinois, 

129th Illinois, 

70th Indiana, 

79th Ohio, 



20th Connecticut, 
33rd Indiana, 
85th Indiana, 
19th Michigan, 
22nd Wisconsin, 



33rd Massachusetts, 
136th New York, - 
55th Ohio, 
73rd Ohio, - 
26th Wisconsin, 



Gbe ftwentfetb Corps 

Third Division (Blue Star). 
Maj. Gen. Daniel Butterfield. 
Brig. Gen. William T. Ward. 

First Brigade. 
Brig. Gen. William T. Ward. 

- Col. Franklin C. Smith. 
Col. Daniel Dustin. 
Col. Henry Case. 

- Col. Benjamin Harrison. 

- Col. Henry G. Kennett. 

Second Brigade. 
Col. John Coburn. 

Col. Samuel Ross. 
Maj. Lewin T. Miller. 

- Col. John P. Baird. 
Col. Henry C. Gilbert.* 

- Col. William L. Utley. 

Third Brigade. 
Col. James Wood, Jr. 

- Lieut. Col. Godfrey Rider, Jr. 
Lieut. Col. Lester B. Faulkner. 

- Col. Charles B. Gambee.* 
Maj. Samuel H. Hurst. 

- Lieut. Col. Frederick C. Winkler. 



Artillery. 
1st Michigan Light, Battery I, - Capt. Luther R. Smith. 
1st Ohio Light, Battery C, - Lieut. Jerome B. Stephens. 

Fourth Division. 
Maj. Gen. L. H. Rousseau. 



73rd Indiana, 
18th Michigan, 
102nd Ohio, 
10th Tennessee, 
13th Wisconsin, 



First Brigade. 
Brig. Gen. R. S. Granger. 

- Maj. Alfred B. Wade. 
Col. Charles C. Doolittle. 

- Col. William Given. 

Lieut. Col. James W. Scully. 

- Col. William P. Lyon. 



* Killed in Atlanta campaign. 



233 



83rd Illinois, 
23rd Missouri, 
68th New York, 
68th New York, 
71st Ohio, 

106th Ohio, - 

115th Ohio, 
75th Pennsylvania, 
31st Wisconsin,* 



Zbe Swenttctb Corps 

Unas.iigned. 

Capt. Joshua M. Snyder. 
Col. William P. Robinson. 
- - - Capt. Michael Esembaux. 

Lieut. Col. Albert von Steinhausen. 

- Maj. James W. Carlin. 
Maj. Lauritz Barentzen. 

- Col. Jackson A. Lucy. 
Lieut. Col. Alvin V. Matzdorf. 

- Maj. Robert B. Stephenson. 



On July 27, 1864, the six batteries were organized as an artillery 
brigade, and Maj. John A. Reynolds was assigned to its command. 
On August twenty-fifth, Battery K, Fifth United States Artillery, 
Capt. Edmund C. Bainbridge, joined the brigade. 

At the beginning of the campaign the Twentieth Corps, 
not including its Fourth Division, numbered: 





Officers. 


Enlisted men. 


Aggregate. 


Infantry, - 

Cavalry, _---_- 
Artillery, - 


895 

1 

22 


18,898 

62 

843 


19,793 

63 

865 


Total, - ... 


918 


19,803 


20,721 



Two of the old regiments of the Twelfth Corps do not appear 
on the roster: the Tenth Maine Battalion left Tullahoma, March 
2, 1864, having been transferred to the Department of the Gulf, 
where it was consolidated with the Twenty-ninth Maine, a com- 
mand composed largely of the two-years men who had served in 
the Tenth Maine regiment; the One Hundred and Forty-fifth New 
York had been consolidated with other regiments from that State 
in Williams's Division, and its officers mustered out of service. 



Traaferred July 21, 1864, to Ilobioson's brigade, First Division. 



234 



ftbe Swenttetb Corp* 
£be Htlanta Campaign. 

The regiments of Williams's Division received marching orders on 
April 27, 1864, and the next day they left the various stations which 
they occupied along the railroad, and started to join the army then 
assembling at Chattanooga. As the railroad was taxed to its 
utmost capacity in the transportation of supplies to the front the 
troops were ordered to proceed on foot. 

The route was by Decherd, thence over a spur of the Cumber- 
land Mountains by the University, through Sweden's Cove to 
Bridgeport. The descent of the mountain was by a rough, stony 
road, so steep and broken that ropes were necessary in easing the 
wagons down the hill. The column reached Bridgeport May first. 
The next day it was joined by Geary's Division, which had been 
encamped there and at Stevenson. Passing through Shellmound 
the troops encamped at Whitesides on the evening of the second, 
Geary on the third. Here the soldiers had an opportunity to see 
the high railroad bridge or trestle work which had just been rebuilt 
by an engineer regiment, and which was reported to be the highest 
one of its kind. 

At Lookout Valley the new Third Division joined the corps, the 
blue star making its appearance here for the first time. The march 
continued by the military road over the north end of Lookout — 
with its grand view of mountain, river and plain — through Chatta- 
nooga, Rossville Gap, and over the battle field of Chickamauga. 

At Gordon's Mills, where the Twentieth Corps was resting, 
General Hooker and his staff rode by, accompanied by General 
Sickles. The latter, who was then on an inspection tour of the 
western armies by order of President Lincoln, was strapped to his 
saddle, his crutches being carried by an orderly. At the sight of 
their corps commander, with the Gettysburg veteran riding at his 
side, the soldiers cheered enthusiastically and hurrahed for the Army 
of the Potomac. 

May 5, 1864, was the date set for the general advance of both 
Grant's and Sherman's armies. At this time the latter had under 
his command three distinct armies — the Army of the Cumberland, 
under Maj. Gen. George H. Thomas; the Army of the Tennessee, 
Maj. Gen. James B. McPherson; and the Army of the Ohio, 
Maj. Gen. John M. Schofield. Their effective strength was: 

235 



£be ftwentietb Corps 





Infantry. 


Cavalry. 


Artillery. 


Aggregate. 


Army of tlie Cumberland. 
Fourth Army Corps, 
Fourteenth Army Corps, 
Twentieth Army Corps, 
Garrard's Cavalry Division, - 
McCook's Cavalry Division, 
Kilpatrick's Cavalry Division, 

Army of the Tennessee. 
Fifteenth Army Corps, 
Sixteenth Army Corps, - 
Seventeenth Army Corps, * 

Army of the Ohio. 
Twenty-third Army Corps, 
Stoneman's Cavalry, - 


19,892 
21,876 
19,793 

11,512 
10,796 

9,262 


63 

4,662 
2,312 
1,759 

311 
367 

2,951 


646 
820 
865 
136 
84 

694 
700 

592 


20,538 

22,696 

20,721 

4,798 

2,426 

1,759 

12,517 
11,863 

9,854 
2,951 


Total, - 


93,131 


12,455 


4,537 


110,123 



Artillery — 254 guns. 

In addition to this number Sherman was reinforced, June eighth, 
by two divisions of the Seventeenth Corps; and Long's Brigade of 
cavalry joined Garrard's Division about the same time. These acces- 
sions, Sherman says, compensated for his losses in battle up to that 
date, and for the detachments left behind at various points to guard 
the railroad. 

The Confederate army, under command of Lieut. Gen. Joseph 
E. Johnston, occupied a strong position in the mountainous region 
at Dalton, a station on the Western and Atlantic Railroad, thirty- 
eight miles south of Chattanooga. Its effective strength at the 
opening of the campaign was reported by Johnston at 44,900, 
including all arms of the service. It soon received large reinforce- 
ments, so that on June tenth its official returns showed the follow- 
ing strength, all of which had joined prior to May twentieth ; 



Effective total present, 
Present for duty, 
Aggregate present, 
Pieces of artillery, 



60,564 

69,946 

82,413 

187 



' Joined at Acworth, Ga., June 8, 1864. Effectire strength (May 31), 9,786. 
236 



Z\)c £wenttetb Corpe 

Although this statement is taken from the returns of June tenth, 
General Johnston's report indicates that this entire force, with the 
exception of Loring's Division (5,239 effectives), was present before 
any serious fighting occurred. The Confederate army consisted of 
three corps, commanded by Lieut. Gens. William J. Hardee, 
John B. Hood, and Leonidas Polk. There was a cavalry corps, 
also, numbering 10,903 effectives, under Maj. Gen. Joseph 
Wheeler. Both the Union and Confederate armies received 
accessions during the campaign, which to some extent offset their 
losses, and their relative strength remained about the same as at 
the start. 

Sherman's plan of campaign was to attack in front wherever the 
enemy might be found, and at the same time, availing himself of 
his superior numbers, send a strong column to outflank his antag- 
onist, menace his communications, and thus manoeuvre him out 
of his position. As Atlanta was the objective point, the railroad 
leading from Chattanooga to that city was selected for the general 
direction of the route. It was the shortest line, and it afforded the 
best means of transportation as the forward movement of his army 
lengthened the distance from its base of supplies. 

Johnston, by reason of inferiority in strength, was forced to adopt 
a defensive campaign. But he had a great advantage in the moun- 
tainous character of the region through which the railroad ran for 
the greater part of the way, affording a succession of strong defensive 
positions. 

On May sixth, General Thomas, with the Army of the Cumber- 
land, was on the railroad at Ringgold, occupying the centre; Scho- 
field, with the Army of the Ohio, was on the left at Red Clay ; and 
McPherson, with the Army of the Tennessee, held the right at 
Lee and Gordon's Mills. 

The Confederate army lay at Dalton, with its advance strongly 
posted at Tunnel Hill and at Buzzard Roost, a mountain pass 
through which the railroad runs. Sherman was ready to begin 
offensive operations. He planned that while Thomas made a 
threatening demonstration at Tunnel Hill, Buzzard Roost, and 
Rocky Face Ridge, McPherson should move his army to the right, 
and by a detour through Snake Creek Gap seize Resaca, the next 
station on the railroad south of Dalton. This would compel John- 
ston to evacuate his well nigh impregnable position. 

«37 



Gbe ftwentletb dorpe 
IRocfep Jface IRtfcoe. 

The Confederate position at Dalton was well protected on the 
north and west by the Chattoogata Mountain, a high, steep range, 
several miles in length. At its northern end the railroad passes over 
Tunnel Hill and thence through Buzzard Roost, a deep, narrow 
gorge, three miles northeast of Dalton. Three miles to the south- 
east of the town there is another pass in the range known as Mill 
Creek Gap, from the stream which here skirts its western base. It 
is called Dug Gap, also, the road to Dalton, which passes through 
it, having been constructed by digging away the side of the moun- 
tain in places. The western slope of the range at this place is called 
Rocky Face Ridge. It is steep, forest-covered, and for miles on 
either side of the pass is surmounted by a line of rocky palisades 
that present a perpendicular wall, unbroken except by a few narrow 
clefts or ravines, wide enough only to admit five or six men abreast. 

Sherman's order to engage the attention of the enemy by a feint 
at Buzzard Roost and Rocky Face Ridge resulted in some hard fight- 
ing and serious losses. When a general receives an order to make a 
demonstration of this kind he is very apt, in the fulfillment of his 
instructions, to be on the lookout for some opportunity to convert 
the movement into a brilliant success. Furthermore, in such affairs 
some regiment always has to do hard fighting, and suffer as severe a 
loss as when facing the hot musketry of a general engagement. 

On May eighth General Geary received the following order : 

March without delay to seize the gap in the Rocky Face Ridge called Babb's, 
and to establish yourself strongly at that point ; take your two brigades and send 
word as soon as you are in position. Take no wagons and but few ambulances. 

This explicit order calls for more work than would seem necessary 
for what " was only designed as a demonstration ' ' by Sherman. But 
this was the way it read when it reached Geary. It specified two 
brigades because the Third Brigade (Ireland's) had been detached the 
day before to support Kilpatrick's cavalry in the movement to Villa- 
now. The Confederates held the gap with Granbury's Brigade and 
a part of Reynolds's Brigade — both of Cleburne's Division — and 
Grigsby's Kentucky brigade of dismounted cavalry. 

Geary moved his two brigades forward to the attack, crossing the 
creek at three p. m., — Buschbeck on the right, Candy on the left. 
McGill's (formerly Knap's) Battery of three-inch Rodmans went 

238 



£be Swentietb Corps 



into position in a field near Babb's house, from where they could 
reach the crest of the ridge with their shells. The infantry unslung 
and piled their knapsacks preparatory to the ascent. The enemy's 
skirmishers were encountered half way up the mountain, where they 
had formed a strong line on its steep face, sheltered by rocks, trees, 
and logs, and from behind which they delivered a galling and destruc- 
tive fire. But Geary's men pressed steadily forward, inflicting con- 
siderable loss on their opponents and driving them back to the foot 
of the palisades. It was a warm day; the air in the woods was hot 
and stifling ; the climbing of the rough hillside was extremely fatigu- 
ing, and the main line of troops behind the advancing skirmishers 
were subjected to a severe fire from the top of the ridge. 

A halt of fifteen minutes was made at the foot of the palisades, and 
then both brigades charged gallantly forward in an effort to seize the 
crest. The officers, taking the lead, led their men in broken detach- 
ments up the narrow ravines which furnished the only feasible access 
to the summit. Some of the troops tried to clamber up the preci- 
pice; but the Confederates rolled large stones over the edge that 
went plunging down the declivity and were as effective as artillery. 

Geary reports that many of the soldiers gained the crest, but were 
met by a fire from a second line of works which was invisible from 
below. Encouraged by partial success and the sight of small groups 
of his men who had reached the top at different points, he ordered 
repeated assaults, although each was a failure. At evening he received 
official information that the flank movement by McPherson through 
Snake Creek Gap was successful. The object of Geary's "attack 
having been fully accomplished by securing the attention of the 
enemy" he "deemed further continuance of the action unneces- 
sary, and decided to withdraw to the foot of the mountain." 

In this fight the two brigades of Geary's Division lost 49 killed, 
257 wounded, and 51 missing; total, 357. The regiments in which 
the largest number of casualties occurred were : 





Killed. 


Wounded. 


Missing. 


Aggregate. 


29th Ohio, ----- 
154th New York, 
134th New York, - - - 


26 
14 
11 


71 
42 
24 


2 

9 

7 


99 
65 

42 



239 



ilbe ftwentictb Corpe 

On the following day another attack was made on Rocky Face 
Ridge at Buzzard Roost, three miles north of Dug Gap, by New- 
ton's Division of the Fourth Corps, but without success. Wood's 
Brigade of Butterfield's Division was actively engaged in skirmish- 
ing, on May eighth and ninth, near the same place. 



IRcsaca. 

The flank movement through Snake Creek Gap having been 
accomplished without opposition, Sherman moved all his forces 
over the same route except the Fourth Corps, which was left in 
front of Buzzard Roost. Johnston evacuated Dalton on the twelfth 
and fell back along the railroad to a fortified line, already constructed, 
covering Resaca and the bridge over the Oostenaula River. 

The Twentieth Corps left its bivouac at Trickum Post Office at 
one a. m., May tenth, to take part in the turning movement. 
Snake Creek Gap, through which the troops marched, is a narrow 
defile, six miles long, lying between Rocky Face Ridge and Horn 
Mountain. Its high, precipitous sides, shutting out the sun except 
at midday, made it cold and damp. The tree trunks and rocks 
were green with moss. The turbulent creek, following the sinuous 
course which evidently suggested its name, had washed away the 
road until nothing but a mere semblance of a wheel track was left. 
This was the route which Sherman utilized in manoeuvring John- 
ston out of the stronghold at Dalton. 

The Twentieth Corps halted on the plain at the eastern end of 
the gap and bivouacked along the bank of the creek. At night a 
heavy rain storm, with thunder, lightning and wind occurred, a 
memorable one for the discomfort it caused. The shelter tents 
were blown down, and the creek soon overflowed the camp ground ; 
many of the men, gathering up their clothes and other effects, 
betook themselves to higher ground until the rain ceased. On the 
thirteenth the corps moved forward to Camp Creek. 

On May fourteenth Johnston held a semicircular line with his left 
flank resting on the Oostenaula and his right on the Conesauga River, 
a stream which joins the former at Resaca. The town is situated 
in the narrow angle formed by the junction of the two. Hood's 
Corps was on the right, Hardee's in the centre, and Polk's on the 
left. The railroad lay a short distance within the line, and nearly 

340 



Sbe Gwentietb Corps 

parallel with it. A complete chain of intrenchments, previously 
constructed, covered the entire position. 

Sherman's forces were formed with McPherson on the right, 
Thomas in the centre, and Schofield on the left. The Fourth Corps 
(Howard's), which had been left at Dalton, came up and was given 
a place on Schofield's left. During the day — May fourteenth — 
there was considerable fighting all along the line where the attack- 
ing forces sought to gain desirable positions. 

In the afternoon the First Division of the Twentieth Corps 
was lying in a second line supporting Butterfield, whose skirmishers 
were actively engaged. At four-thirty p. m. Williams received 
orders to hasten as rapidly as possible to the extreme left, about 
three miles distant, where Stanley's Division of the Fourth Corps, 
Army of the Cumberland, was being strongly pressed by the enemy. 
The bugles blew " Attention," and the Red Star soldiers, who were 
resting quietly on the ground, sprang to their line of gun stacks. 
The column was put in motion immediately and moved off, left in 
front, at a rapid pace along a road that followed the summit of a 
ridge. The men as they pressed forward along this road could see, 
down in the valley to their right, the lines of the Twenty-third 
Corps, then hotly engaged in an assault on the enemy's lines. 

In this march to the left Robinson's Brigade had the lead. Its 
arrival on the field was extremely opportune. Stanley's troops 
were falling back in confusion through the narrow open valley 
along the Dalton road. The enemy was in close pursuit, and the 
rebel yell could be heard above the roar of the musketry. Simon- 
son's Fifth Indiana Battery was in position across the valley, and 
the Confederates made a rush to capture it. But its guns were 
well served, firing with a marvellous rapidity that partially checked 
the advance of the assailants. In the meantime Robinson 
deployed quickly along the ridge, descended its steep wooded slope 
into the open, and changing front forward on his right regiment 
delivered an effective volley in the face of the astonished enemy. 
The affair was soon over ; the exultant Confederates retired as quickly 
as they came. Robinson says in his report that this evolution was 
executed with the same precision and regularity of movement that 
might have been expected on brigade drill. 

During the fight the brigades of Ruger and Knipe formed on the 
slope in extension of Robinson's first position, but they did not move 
down into the valley, as their services were not needed. The men, 

16 241 



Gfoc 3wentictb Corps 

however, improved the opportunity as Stanley's fugitives came stream- 
ing up the hill and through the woods for a place of safety to ask. them 
good naturedly what they thought of Hooker's men now. Even 
* Pap " Williams could not resist the temptation to even up matters 
when he had so good a chance. As the men of the broken line 
came swarming up the hill, and some of their officers appealed to him 
for assistance, he said, " Yes, yes, get your men out of the way. I 
have some soldiers here (slight emphasis on the word) from the 
Army of the Potomac who will take care of these rebels. ' ' * 

The two other divisions of the corps followed Williams, and on 
the morning of the fifteenth Hooker's troops were massed on the 
left of the army, between the Dalton highway and the railroad. In 
the forenoon Hooker received orders to move forward with his entire 
corps and attack the enemy in his front. At one p. m. the three 
divisions advanced until they were within striking distance. Line 
was formed with Butterfield on the right, Geary next, then Williams. 
This part of the battlefield was broken up by hills and ridges, steep, 
rough, and thickly wooded. The portion of the front allotted to 
Hooker was so short that Butterfield formed his brigades in column 
by regiments; Geary had to mass his division in a single column by 
brigades, Ireland's in front. 

These formations under the circumstances occupied much valu- 
able time ; and the hour of the actual assault was later. As Butter- 
field failed to make any report of his operations on the Atlanta cam- 
paign, it is difficult from the reports exclusively to reconcile some 
apparently conflicting statements found in the reports of his brigade 
commanders. All the reported incidents, however, are in harmony 
with the features of the battle as here stated. 

To Butterfield's Division was assigned the duty of making the 
assault and carrying the enemy's works. To form a suitable column 
of attack required a knowledge of the ground to be passed over, and 
the positions of the enemy to be reached. While this was being 
ascertained Butterfield gave orders that Ward's Brigade, formed in 
battalion columns at intervals of forty paces between regiments, 
should lead in the attack. While charging it was to be supported 
on the right by the Second Brigade (under Coburn) and on the left 
by the Third Brigade (under Wood) each in echelon to the rear. It 
was discovered during these formations, made as far as possible under 
the concealment of the hills and woods, that the assaulting column 

* Brown's History of the Twenty-seventh Indiana. 
242 



£be Swenttctb Corps 

on emerging from the latter would be subjected in an open country 
to a cross fire as well as direct fire of the enemy. Colonel Wood 
commanding the Third Brigade, was therefore ordered to use his 
discretion in supporting Ward's Brigade, either by following up the 
latter or attacking independently on Ward's left. As events trans- 
pired, he used his command handsomely for both purposes. 

Before the charge began the Second Brigade's (Coburn's) posi- 
tion was taken up near the foot of the last wooded hill preparatory 
to emerging on the plain when necessary to support the charge of 
Ward's Brigade. Before the signal was given to advance, an officer 
was sent to notify General Howard, commanding the Fourth Corps, 
whose intrenched lines were on Hooker's right and overlooked the 
open country and the enemy's lines, and General Howard replied 
that he would give the Twentieth Corps the hearty support of his 
whole command. General Geary was also notified to have his divi- 
sion well in hand to support the charging division; but the firing 
began before his formations had been completed. 

Some of the troops in Ward's and Coburn's Brigades, although 
long in service, had never been in a general engagement. It hap- 
pened, also, that the moment the leading brigade emerged upon the 
plain, the enemy's fire was too high and passed overhead until the 
ascent was reached. The fire, however, had plunged into the sup- 
porting Second Brigade, and so it became necessary that it should 
go forward. Meanwhile its front line, finding itself under fire, some 
of it shrapnel and canister, opened a rattling musketry fire to the 
dismay of the leading officers, and the unhappy fate of some of 
Ward's men who were almost upon the enemy's works. 

Although this appalling occurrence was speedily abated it well nigh 
proved fatal ; for at a critical period it arrested some of Ward's battal- 
ions and created confusion. Happily, however, the battle was not sus- 
pended. Coburn's Brigade was rushed forward to the support of the 
First Brigade, and Ward's regiments rallied and held to their work 
with remarkable fortitude ; Ward himself, assisted by Capt. Paul A. 
Oliver, of Butterfield's staff, who accompanied this brigade to repre- 
sent the division commander, rallying the troops with great gallantry. 

Meanwhile Colonel Wood had wisely exercised the discretion 
reposed in him. His brigade attacked the enemy on Ward's imme- 
diate left, encountering troops of Stevenson's Division of Hood's 
Corps, and had pressed forward in good style; and although ham- 
pered at one time by some retreating regiments carried the crest of 

243 



Zbc £w>cntietb Corps 

the hill}' range in its front. The vigor of this attack, and what its 
initial success threatened, had brought up heavy reinforcements for 
the enemy, and these when violently attacking the Twentieth Corps 
later in the afternoon were fortunately encountered by Williams's 
Division, resulting in a desperate renewal of the engagement with 
heavy losses to both sides, the troops of the Twentieth Corps, how- 
ever, holding their own lines. 

Meanwhile Ward's Brigade had reformed and again charged the 
earthworks in its front, one of which was occupied by Corput's (Ga. ) 
Battery of four brass guns, light twelves supported by troops of 
Brown's Brigade. Ward in the first instance had directed, and now 
renewed, his assault against this position. At the same time a part 
of Ireland's Brigade, Geary's Division, made a rush for the same 
point. The two columns converging at the battery entered the 
redoubt, drove the artillerists back, and planted several colors inside 
the works. Some of the Confederates who refused to retreat or 
surrender were bayonetted at the guns. 

There has been considerable dispute between Geary's and Butter- 
field's men as to which division or brigade was entitled to the honor 
of capturing this battery. Col. Benjamin Harrison,* Seventieth 
Indiana, who commanded the leading battalion in Ward's Brigade, 
says in his official report that his "regiment entered the enemy's 
works in advance of all others," and that his "colors, though not 
planted, were the first to enter the fort." The One Hundred and 
Second Illinois, the second regiment in Ward's column, placed its 
flag in the fort and captured several prisoners, including the captain 
of the battery. Colonel Coburn states that the Nineteenth Michigan 
and Twenty-second Wisconsin, of his brigade, also planted their 
colors inside the works. Sergeant Hess, color bearer of the One 
Hundred and Twenty-ninth Illinois, Ward's Brigade, was killed in 
the fort ; and Captain Woeltge, One Hundred and Eleventh Pennsyl- 
vania, Ireland's Brigade, fell dead inside the works just as he laid 
his hand on one of the guns. The charge of Ward's Brigade was 
led, as has been mentioned, by Capt. Paul A. Oliver of Butterfield's 
staff, and that of Coburn's Brigade by Maj. Henry E. Tremain of 
Sickles's staff, who had been serving in the campaign as a volunteer 
aide for Butterfield. Each of these aides-de-camp received a Medal of 
Honor for gallant and distinguished services in this engagement. 
General Sickles, then inspector-general of the army, was an inter- 

* Afterwards President of the United States. 
244 



Zbe Swenttetb Corpe 

ested spectator of the righting, and occupied himself in cheering on 
the Potomac veterans, in whose success he took an especial pride. 

The captured lunette occupied a circular depression in the ridge, 
with a line of intrenchments extending from it on either side and 
one at a short distance in the rear. When Ward's troops entered it 
they encountered a deadly fire from the Confederate infantry posted 
in the second line of works and on both flanks. The men who had 
secured a foothold inside the battery, finding the position untenable, 
were obliged to relinquish their prize temporarily and seek safety in 
retreat. But some troops of Ireland's Brigade secured a lodgment 
immediately under the muzzles of the guns, with their colors planted 
in the earth thrown up to form the redoubt, while other regiments of 
this command occupied the crest of a hill near by. From this van- 
tage ground they directed an effective fire at short range through the 
embrasures, preventing the enemy from reoccupying the fort. At 
the same time, Ireland's men were unable to enter the works, and so 
the guns stood silent and unmanned during the rest of the battle. 
In the night the troops in front of the fort, under the direction of 
Colonel Cobham,One Hundred and Eleventh Pennsylvania, dug away 
the earth below the embrasures, and attaching ropes to the muzzles of 
the cannons drew them out and sent them to Geary's headquarters. 

While all this was going on Williams was maintaining a well-con- 
tested battle farther to the left, with Stewart's Division, of Hood's 
Corps. The repeated attacks of the enemy along this portion of the 
line were successfully repulsed by Knipe's and Ruger's Brigades. In 
one of these affairs the Twenty-seventh Indiana, under the personal 
lead of the veteran Colgrove, captured the colors of the Thirty-eighth 
Alabama,* together with the colonel and many prisoners. On this 
flag were inscribed the names Chickamauga, Lookout Mountain, 
Missionary Ridge, and Tunnel Hill. The Fifth Ohio, of Geary's 
Division, also captured a battleflag in this engagement. 

The action was well sustained by the Twentieth Corps along the 
entire front. Col. S. E. Pittman, of the First Division staff, says 
that during the heat of the battle when, by General Williams's 
order, he asked General Hooker to send support to the right of the 
division, Hooker burst out with the exclamation, " Captain, I never 
before saw such fighting. It is splendid. It is grand. " Surely, if 



* General Slocum states in his official report that the colors taken by the Twenty-seventh 
Indiana at Resaca was the battleflag of the Thirty-second and Fifty-eighth Alabama (consolidated) 
regiment, and that it was captured by Capt. T. J. Box and Private E. White, of Company D. 

9*5 



£be twentieth Corps 

any man ever had opportunities to judge of what good fighting was, 
General Joseph Hooker was that man. 

The casualties in the Union Army at Resaca were about 3,500, 
as indicated by the returns of the various subordinate commands. 
Sherman made no statement of his losses in this battle. The casual- 
ties in the Twentieth Corps — May fourteenth and fifteenth — were : 





Killed. 


Wounded. 


Missing. 


Aggregate. 


First Division, 
Second Division. 
Third Division, 


48 

23 

159 


366 
21.5 
857 


3 
28 

4 


417 

266 

1,020 


Total, - 


230 


1,438 


35 


1,703 



The regiments sustaining the heaviest losses numerically were: 



REGIMENT. 


Division. 


Killed. 


Wounded. 


Missing. 


Aggregate. 


70th Indiana, 


Butterfield's, 


26 


130 




156 


102nd Illinois, 


ButterfiekTs, 


21 


95 


- 


116 


141st New York, 


Williams'' s, - 


15 


77 


- 


92 


55th Ohio, - 


ButterfiekPs, 


18 


72 


1 


91 


136th New York, - 


Butterfield's, 


12 


70 


- 


82 


19th Michigan, - 


ButterfiekTs. 


14 


66 


- 


80 


22nd Wisconsin, 


Butterfield's. 


11 


56 


1 


68 


29th Pennsylvania, 


Geary's, 


6 


50 


- 


56 



Among the killed were Col. Henry C. Gilbert, Nineteenth 
Michigan; Col. Charles B. Gambee, Fifty-fifth Ohio; Lieut. Col. E. 
F. Lloyd, One Hundred and Nineteenth New York ; Major Robbins, 
Fifty-fifth Ohio; and Lieutenant Knipe of General Knipe's staff. 
Chaplain Springer of the Third Wisconsin was mortally wounded ; 
and among the Confederate dead in front of this regiment lay the 
body of Chaplain McMullen, of Baker's Brigade. The Church 
Militant was well represented on both sides in the Civil War.* 

That night Johnston withdrew his army across the Oostenaula, 
destroying the bridges behind him. He retreated along the line of 
the railroad through Calhoun, Adairsville, and Kingston to a strongly 

"For list of chaplains killed in the Union armies during the war, see " Regimental Losses in 
the Civil War," pp. *3-t5. By William F. Fox. Albany: Brandow Ptg. Co. 1888. 
24€ 



£be {Twentieth Corps 

intrenched line at Cassville. Sherman's troops followed closely, 
skirmishing briskly with the enemy's rear guard at various points 
on the way. 

The continued rehearsal here of tactical manoeuvres is not only 
tiresome to the reader, but it fails to give a proper impression of the 
varied incidents that occur on every battlefield, and so some extracts 
from the regimental histories may give a better idea of the nature of 
the fighting and the character of the American soldier. The History 
of the Fifth Connecticut contains the following pathetic story of an 
incident at Resaca:* "At first the artillery firing at this line was 
extremely high and wild, and served only to amuse the men ; but by 
degrees they depressed their guns more and more and their shells came 
nearer, till finally, just as the rebel line came out of the woods to make 
the second charge, a shell came and struck the line in Company I, tak- 
ing off the top of the head of James E. Richards in the front rank, and 
passing along down his back passed under the rear rank man, John 
Bates, bursting when it was about under the center of his body. 
Bates and Richards were, of course, killed outright by it, and four 
others were wounded by the pieces of the shell and pieces of the 
skull from Richards. Corp. Wm. H. Kerr had several pieces of the 
skull driven into his face, also Private James Tuttle's face was filled, 
and Tommy Graham, from fragments of the shell or skull, had both 
eyes cut out of his head and then left hanging on his cheek. 
Lieutenant Stewart, commanding Company I, sprang up and helped 
to pull the dead men, Richards and Bates, to the rear from their 
places in the line in order to fill the gap with living fighting men, 
for the rebel column was coming on again charging and yelling. 
He saw that Tommy Graham could not see at all, and that while 
Corporal Kerr's face was badly cut up, he still had his eyesight 
remaining. He asked the corporal if he could see well enough to 
take himself to the rear and lead Tommy, totally blinded as he was. 
He said he thought he could, and thereupon the lieutenant told 
Graham to go to the rear with Kerr and started them oflf; but 
Tommy had not moved two steps to the rear before he stopped and 
cried out, ' Lieutenant, Lieutenant, what will I do with my gun ? ' 
and the brave man did not stir a step farther until his officer had 
come to him and taken his gun and relieved him from this final 
responsibility. 

* History of the Fifth Connecticut, by Capt. Edwin E. Marvin. Hartford, Conn. : Wiley, 
Waterman & Eaton. 1889. 

247 



Zbc Gwenttetb Corps 

" If this picture could be imagined as it was, :md as the comrades 
of poor Tommy saw it, then something of the true stuff of the man 
could be conceived; artillery roaring from all directions — shells 
screeching past, and now coming so low that every one of them 
ricocheted along the ground and raked the earth from front to rear; 
a yelling line of rebels fast coming towards him; his eyes just closed 
forever to all the beauties of this earth and the glories of the skits. 
never to behold wife or children again. And still, when ordered to 
the rear in care of another, he stood there with those sightless eyes 
dangling at his cheeks, calling upon his officer to relieve him of his 
trusty gun, the last obligation remaining upon him, as he understood 
his duty to his country as a soldier. Whoever can imagine this scene 
as it was, will understand something of the truth and faithfulness of 
the nature of such private soldiers as Thomas Graham. ' ' 

Another, and a cheerful incident, is related by the historian of 
the Twenty-seventh Indiana: "It was here at Resaca also that 
Captain Balsley's Irishman, Dan, got the best of the provost guards. 
On the way, somewhere, when coming from the Eastern army, 
Captain Balsley had recruited a fresh arrival from over the briny 
deep. The older members of the company had tormented the raw 
recruit not a little by telling him, among other things, that it was 
a very dreadful thing to go into a battle, and that he would be sure 
to get panicky in the first fight and run away. This probably 
stimulated him to do his best and show them a thing or two. In 
the counter-assault upon the Alabamians Dan was, therefore, in the 
front rank. Spying a rebel behind a tree he rushed up and seized 
hold of him. With vigorous jerks and kicks and many loud demon- 
strations of triumph and satisfaction, he brought him to the captain. 
The captain, in turn, ordered Dan to take his prisoner to the rear, 
which he proceeded to do with much pride and pomp. 

" Back some distance Dan encountered the provost guard, with a 
line duly established, both to take care of prisoners and to prevent 
able-bodied soldiers from running out of the fight. ' Halt, there ! ' 
they said to Dan. ' Halt the divil,' said Dan. ' Captain Balsley 
he tould me to tak this mon to the rear, so he did. ' But they per- 
sisted. 'Halt! We'll take care of the prisoner; just leave him 
with us. ' ' To hell wid yees, ' roared Dan. But, as if willing to 
oblige them all he could, waving his hand back in the direction from 
which he had come and where the fighting was still in progress, he 

248 




• 1 




< 

o 
< 

03 

UJ 

OL 
U. 

o 
a 



UJ 



I- ~ 



< 

CD 



LU 
I 
I- 



Gbe twentieth Corps 

said in his blandest tones, ' There's plenty ov 'em right over there. 
If yees want wun, jist step over and get wun for yer'self. ' " 

On the day following the battle of Resaca the Twentieth Corps 
advanced and crossed the Conesauga above the town ; on the seven- 
teenth it crossed the Coosawattee, and, keeping to the east of the 
railroad, marched that day to a point near Calhoun ; May eighteenth 
the corps moved to Spring Mills, a place southeast of Adairsville, 
and bivouacked that night on the so-called Gravelly Plateau. On 
the nineteenth the march continued over a rough country, covered 
with woods and dense thickets of underbrush. After some lively 
skirmishing, principally by Butterfield's men, the corps reached 
Cassville at night, where it formed line within 400 yards of the 
enemy's breastworks. 

During the night Johnston retreated. He had intended to make 
a stand at Cassville and risk a general engagement there, as the posi- 
tion was naturally a strong one. But two of his corps commanders 
— Hood and Polk — expressed doubts as to their ability to hold the 
line of their respective fronts, and so the Confederate leader reluct- 
antly withdrew and fell back beyond the Etowah River to the 
Allatoona hills. Sherman did not follow; he had a better plan. 
He gave his armies a rest here of three days, utilizing the time in 
accumulating a store of supplies for his next movement. 



1Bew Hope Cburcb. 

Sherman's armies had marched and fought their way eighty-five 
miles since leaving Chattanooga. Atlanta was still fifty-three miles 
distant. Johnston had just been reinforced by Loring's Division 
of Hood's Corps, and his forces numbered more than at the begin- 
ning of the campaign. He was also nearer his base of supplies. 
Sherman, who was personally familiar with the topography of the 
Allatoona range and the strong defensive advantages which it afforded 
his opponent, decided to make a wide detour to the west by way of 
Dallas and gain the railroad at Marietta or some other point south of 
this stronghold. As he would have to cut loose from the railroad in 
making this movement, he ordered twenty days' rations placed in 
his wagon trains, and on the twenty-third started on the march 
which was to manoeuvre Johnston out of the position at Allatoona. 

249 



Gbe £wenttctb Corps 

While at Cassville the Twenty-seventh Pennsylvania, Colonel 
Buschbeck, went home, its term of service having expired. Col. 
John T. Lockman, of the One Hundred and Nineteenth New York, 
succeeded to the command of Buschbeek's Brigade. 

Hooker's Corps, leaving Cassville on May twenty-third, crossed 
the Etowah (Hightower, as the natives called it) on a pontoon 
bridge near Milam's and bivouacked that night along the Euharlie 
and Raccoon Creeks; on the twenty-fourth, after marching all day 
over mountain roads and by-paths, the corps encamped at Burnt 
Hickory in a heavy rain storm. 

On May twenty-fifth the corps was under orders to march to 
Dallas. But Johnston, having received early information of Sher- 
man's movement, hurried his army westward through the forests 
and established it on a ridge that lay across the route of the hostile 
columns. Hooker's three divisions were moving by different roads 
in the direction of Dallas and had crossed Pumpkin Vine Creek, 
when orders were received to march to New Hope Church, where 
Geary's skirmishers had developed the presence of the enemy in 
force. This place is situated at an intersection of the roads leading 
to Dallas, Marietta, and Acworth, four miles northeast of Dallas. 
It takes its name from a little Methodist meeting house, built of 
logs, that stood there then. As the junction of these roads formed 
an important point, it was already occupied and intrenched by 
Stewart's Division of Hood's Corps. The country about it was 
hilly and densely wooded. 

Williams's Division had halted for dinner within ten miles of 
Dallas, when it received the order to countermarch and hasten to 
the support of Geary. As the column moved off again, faced to 
the rear, the veterans in the ranks were heard to remark, " Left in 
front! There will be a fight soon," — one of the traditions in the 
old Twelfth Corps. Recrossing the creek, the troops marched 
rapidly for five miles until, at five p. m., they came up with Geary's 
and Butterfield's Divisions massed on a road leading to New Hope 
Church. 

Geary's first intimation of the presence of the enemy was a 
burning bridge on Pumpkin Vine Creek at Owen's Mills, where he 
arrived about eleven a. m. His skirmishers drove back the enemy's 
vedettes a mile or more until they reached Hawkins's house, where 
serious opposition was encountered. Candy's Brigade, deployed in 

250 



Gbe ftwenttetb Corpa 

line of battle and supported by the two other brigades of the 
division, pressed forward, driving the Confederates back half a mile 
further. Sherman, who was present, ordered Hooker to advance 
and seize the cross roads at New Hope Church. But Hooker, 
believing that the enemy was present in full force, asked permission 
to wait for the arrival of his two other divisions, which was granted. 
From the prisoners captured in the skirmishing it was soon learned 
that Hood's entire corps was in front at New Hope Church, and 
that Hardee's Corps was at Dallas, four miles to the west, all of 
which proved to be true. 

At five p. m. Williams's Division arrived, and forming on 
Geary's left went into action immediately without halting for the 
men to recover breath. The three brigades under Williams deployed 
in three supporting lines, Robinson in front, then Ruger, with Knipe 
last. Advancing on the double-quick the strong skirmish line of 
the enemy, and then his reserves, were driven back a mile and a 
half by Williams. Part of the ground passed over was covered with 
woods in which the timber had been killed by girdling the trees, and 
as the solid shot and shells from the Confederate batteries went crash- 
ing through the dead tops the broken limbs and splinters fell thickly 
on the charging ranks. During this advance the order came for the 
Second Brigade to relieve the line in front and take the lead. In 
executing this manoeuvre Robinson's regiments moved "By com- 
panies to the rear," Ruger 's men advancing through the openings 
to the front. The evolution was performed under fire, but with 
steadiness and precision. 

The column pressed forward again through the dense woods until 
a sudden discharge of artillery and musketry disclosed the main line 
of the Confederates, strongly posted behind formidable breastworks, 
their position having been previously concealed by the foliage and 
thick underbrush. The advancing regiments of Ruger's Brigade 
met this unexpected, deadly fire without flinching, although the men 
went down by scores; but they were forced to halt. Holding their 
ground manfully they returned the fire rapidly, keeping it up until 
their ammunition was exhausted, when they were relieved by apart 
of Knipe's Brigade and, later, by Robinson. Night was near, a heavy 
rain was falling and a thunder storm with its black cloud deepened 
the gloom of the forest, in which the hostile lines were now plainly 
marked by the red flash of rifles and blaze of cannon. 

351 



Gbe Gwentietb Corps 

Geary's Division advanced to the assault about six p. m., and 
relieving some of Williams's troops fought its way through a storm 
of bullets and canister up to the enemy's breastworks where it also 
was compelled to halt. Geary says in his report — written Septem- 
ber fourteenth — that, " The discharges of canister and shell from 
the enemy were heavier than in any other battle of this campaign in 
which my command was engaged." A portion of Butterfield's 
Division relieved Knipe's Brigade and continued the fighting well 
into the night despite the rain and darkness. 

Though the attack was unsuccessful there was no confusion in 
Hooker's lines, no falling back of the charging columns. The troops 
along the farthest points of advance held their places during the 
night, and threw up intrenchments, in some places within eighty 
yards of the enemy's works. 

Stewart's Confederate Division, which had been repulsed by the 
Red Stars at Resaca, had evened up the score ; the assailants and 
assailed had changed places. Johnston, who had been censured for 
evacuating strong positions without giving battle, had silenced his 
unfriendly critics for awhile. 

In this battle the heaviest losses fell to the lot of Ruger's Brigade, 
especially on the One Hundred and Seventh New York, Col. N. M. 
Crane, which gallantly held an exposed position in front of a battery 
on the road. General Ruger, who was conspicuous in this action by 
the gallant manner in which he handled his troops, reports that the 
dead of his brigade lay nearest the enemy's works. 

The battle of New Hope Church was fought entirely by the 
Twentieth Corps. No other troops participated. Hooker's losses 
in this engagement were as follows: 





Killed. 


Wounded. 


Missing. 


Aggregate. 


Williams's Division - 
Geary's Division 
Butterfield's Division 
Headquarters 


86 

26 

34 

1 


638 
291 

285 


146 
59 
99 


870 

376 
418 

1 


Total - 


147 


1,214 


304 


1,665 



252 



£be Gwenttetb Corps 



The loss in Ruger's Brigade was — killed, 46; wounded, 314; 
missing, 1; total, 361. The regiments sustaining the greatest loss 
numerically were: 



REGIMENT. 


Division. 


Killed. 


Wounded. 


Missing. 


Aggregate. 


107th New York 


Williams's - 


22 


*147 




169 


3rd Wisconsin - 


Williams's - 


14 


97 


- 


111 


101st Illinois 


Williams's - 


12 


63 


- 


75 


73rd Ohio - 


Butterfield's 


11 


58 


3 


72 


82nd Illinois - 


Williams's - 


11 


59 


. 


70 


82nd Ohio - 


Williams's - 


11 


53 


- 


64 


46th Pennsylvania 


Williams's - 


8 


53 


3 


64 


5th Ohio 


Geary's - - 


7 


51 


■ 


58 



* Of this number, 24 died of their wounds. 

The corps sustained a serious loss in this battle by the deaths of 
Col. John H. Patrick, Fifth Ohio, and Col. Archibald L. 
McDougall, One Hundred and Twenty-third New York. The 
former was mortally wounded by a canister shot; the latter, who 
was shot while gallantly leading his men, died soon after of his 
injuries in a hospital at Chattanooga. 

During the next six days Hooker's troops pressed the enemy 
closely. Additional works were thrown up in which artillery was 
planted. A line of individual rifle pits, each protected by short logs 
placed in the shape of a V with its apex to the front, was con- 
structed. Day and night the forest echoed with the crack of rifles 
as the opposing pickets plied their deadly work, the daily loss in 
killed and wounded being unusually severe. The soldiers called the 
place "Hell Hole," and always mentioned it afterwards by that 
name. 

Two days after the battle the Fourth Corps (Howard) made an 
attempt to turn the Confederate right, in which it encountered Cle- 
burne's Division near Pickett's Mill, a place about three miles east 
of New Hope Church. Howard met with a disastrous repulse. 
One of his divisions alone (Wood's) reported a loss in this affair of 
1,457, the greatest loss in any division during the entire Atlanta 
campaign. Sherman makes no mention of this engagement in his 
official report; neither does he allude to it in his " Memoirs." In 

253 



Gbe Gwcnttetb Corpe 

the Confederate reports Johnston says that his troops fought at New 
Hope Church and Pickett's Mill without intrenchments. But this 
statement is true only in part, as shown in the official reports of 
Generals Cleburne and Stewart. 

On June first the Twentieth Corps was relieved by the Army of 
the Tennessee, after which it moved to the left as far as Pickett's 
Mill Creek; on the fifth it went five miles farther to the left across 
Allatoona Creek. Sherman, while holding his ground firmly along 
the enemy's front, was now passing various corps by the rear to the 
left and east, thus extending his line until he reached the railroad 
again at Acworth. The Confederate position at Allatoona was thus 
successfully turned. 

The Seventh Ohio Infantry was relieved June eleventh, and 
ordered home to be mustered out of service, its term of enlistment 
having expired. This regiment had made a brilliant record in the 
war, and was highly regarded throughout the entire corps. 

pine Will. 

On the thirteenth Hooker's command was in position at the north- 
ern base of Pine Hill, two miles from the railroad station at Big 
Shanty. When Johnston found that his opponent's lines had been 
extended to the railroad he evacuated his intrenchments at Dallas 
and New Hope Church, and concentrated his forces in front of Mari- 
etta. He constructed a chain of earthworks running from Kenesaw 
Mountain, on his right, westward to Lost Mountain on his left. 
His line ran in the rear of Pine Hill, a steep, conical peak, which 
was occupied by the Confederates as an outpost and point of obser- 
vation. The summit was only 800 yards from the artillery of the 
Twentieth Corps, posted at its base. 

On the fourteenth a group of Confederate generals, among them 
Johnston, Hardee and Polk, were standing near a battery on the 
summit examining through their field-glasses the lines of their oppo- 
nents in the adjacent valley. The party was in plain view of the 
troops on Thomas's line, although not individually recognizable. 
When Sherman saw them he gave orders that the batteries near him 
should train the guns on the party and fire by volley. At the sec- 
ond discharge one of the shells struck General Polk in the breast, 
killing him instantly. 

954- 



Gbe ftwenttetb Corps 

The Confederates abandoned their works on Pine Hill that night, 
and the place was immediately occupied by some of the besieging 
forces. On the fifteenth Hooker pushed forward with his corps, past 
and beyond this elevation, until the main line of the enemy's works 
was reached. Here he formed for an assault, Gear) r and Butterfleld 
in front, with Williams in support. At two-fifteen p. m. the col- 
umns advanced, and, encountering the enemy, immediately drove 
him into his intrenchments. These works had been carefully con- 
structed, and were unusually strong. They were protected in front 
by felled trees, tops to the front, forming an abatis, behind which a 
clwvaux de frise had been placed at various points. The works 
were manned by Cleburne's Division. Geary's troops penetrated 
the abatis in places, but were unable to carry the position. The 
attack failed; but the assaulting lines maintained their advanced 
position close under the enemy's works and threw up intrench- 
ments there. 

This engagement near Pine Hill — June fifteenth — is known 
also as the battle of Lost Mountain. In it the Twentieth Corps 
lost 734, killed and wounded. The casualties in the Second Division 
were 82 killed, 432 wounded, and 5 missing; total, 519. The First 
Division reported 90 casualties, and the Third Division 125. Of 
the regimental commandants present, Colonel Rickards (Twenty- 
ninth Pennsylvania), Major Stegman (One Hundred and Second 
New York), Major Cresson (Seventy-third Pennsylvania), and Cap- 
tain Gimber(One Hundred and Ninth Pennsylvania) were wounded; 
and Maj. Eli A. Griffin (Nineteenth Michigan) was killed. 

On the following day Hooker's forces pressed the enemy strongly 
all along his front with skirmishers and artillery fire. Butterfield's 
men did considerable hard fighting, and in one lively affair near 
Gilgal Church, or Golgotha, the Twenty-sixth Wisconsin captured 
the colors of a regiment in Cleburne's Division. 

The long line of the Federal armies now overlapped that of the 
enemy on his left. On the seventeenth the Confederates evacuated 
their works at Lost Mountain and retired within the defenses at 
Kenesaw. Johnston's line was now a semicircular one, with its 
right covering the railroad ; thence it curved to the west and south 
until it reached the railroad again, including within its intrenchments 
Kenesaw Mountain and Marietta. Sherman held an outer or 
parallel line, with McPherson on his left at the railroad, Thomas 

255 



Gbc twentieth Corps 

in the centre, and Schofield on the right, but not extending to the 
railroad again on the south. 

Throughout the entire campaign thus far the troops had suffered 
from the unusual, prolonged rains. The number of rainy days fol- 
lowing the battle of New Hope Church was phenomenal ; it not only 
added to bodily discomfort, but it made the marching toilsome, while 
at the same time the swollen streams and miry roads rendered the 
movement of artillery and wagon trains exceedingly difficult. There 
were several days in which, owing to the absence of commissary 
trains, the soldiers were on scant rations or could get nothing at all 
to eat. 

From the seventeenth to the twenty-first, the Twentieth Corps 
was engaged in pushing its way southward, and extending the general 
line in that direction. There was considerable skirmishing and fight- 
ing, men being killed or wounded by the score each day. On the 
seventeenth Hooker's artillery, under Major Reynolds, achieved 
further and honorable distinction at Muddy Creek. Wheeler's 
(Thirteenth New York) Battery, commanded by Lieutenant Bundy. 
here opened at 400 yards on the enemy's works, silencing his guns, 
dismounting two pieces, and knocking two more end over end. 
Considerable loss was inflicted, also, on the Confederate infantry 
which were in support. At Noyes's Creek, June nineteenth, there 
was some more lively skirmishing, in which the sharpshooters of 
both sides did some effective work. 

1Rolb'0 Jfarm. 

The Twentieth Corps established itself on the twenty-first along 
the Powder Springs and Marietta road, about three miles southeast 
of the latter place. An important hill near the Kolb house was 
seized, the enemy making fruitless efforts to regain it. Williams's 
Division was massed by brigades in the woods on Kolb's farm, 
Ruger on the right, Knipe in the centre, and Robinson on the left. 
The ground in front was for the most part open fields. Geary's 
Division joined Williams's left; Butterfield was in reserve. Scho- 
field's (Twenty-third) Corps continued the line to the right. Wine- 
gar's three-inch rifles, in front of Robinson, and Woodbury's brass 
smooth bores in front of Knipe, commanded all the open ground in 
front of Williams. At four p. m. Stevenson's Division, of Hood's 

256 



Sbe Swentietb Corps 

Corps, made a sortie from their works, emerging from the woods at 
a rapid pace as they raised their charging yell. They advanced in 
three lines. Woodbury opened on their close ranks with rapid 
discharges of canister from his 12-pounder Napoleons, that threw 
them into a confused mass, while volleys of musketry from Knipe's 
Brigade and regiments on Ruger's left also told fearfully on the dis- 
ordered ranks of the assailants. 

Another column of Hood's troops that came out of the woods 
into the field on Williams's left was checked by the shrapnel from 
Winegar's guns and Geary's artillery, and a severe infantry fire 
was directed against them from every available point. With broken 
and disordered lines the defeated Confederates retreated to the cover 
of the woods. No further attempt was made by them against 
Williams's front. But a portion of the charging column which was 
sheltered by a ravine, together with some other troops that had 
advanced under cover of the woods, attacked Knipe's left and made 
a bold effort to turn his flank. This movement was frustrated by 
some of Robinson's regiments, assisted by the fire from Winegar's 
Battery. Hood's forces retired to the protection of their works, 
leaving the ground behind them thickly strewn with the bodies 
of their killed and wounded. 

In this engagement Hooker sustained comparatively slight loss, 
while the casualties in Hood's command, as reported in the Atlanta 
newspapers, were over 1,000. Still, the Twentieth Corps had to 
mourn the loss of some good men. Among the dead lay Captain 
Wheeler of the artillery, a gallant and accomplished officer, and 
Maj. D. C. Beckett, Sixty-first Ohio, who was also among the 
killed. 

General Williams states that his losses at Kolb's Farm did not 
exceed 130 men. Geary reported his casualties for the period from 
June seventeenth to twenty-eighth — which includes the fighting of 
the Second Division at Muddy Creek, Noyes's Creek, Kolb's House, 
and Kenesaw — as amounting to 28 killed, 240 wounded, and 2 
missing; total, 270. 

General Butterfield, having obtained a leave of absence on 
account of ill-health, left June twenty-ninth, and Gen. William T. 
Ward succeeded to the command of the Third Division by right of 
seniority. 

On June twenty-seventh a grand assault was made on John- 

17 257 



Gbe Gwentietb Corps 

ston's intrenchments at Kenesaw Mountain; but the Twentieth 
Corps did not participate actively in this battle. The troops 
engaged met with the most disastrous repulse of the entire cam- 
paign. The losses aggregated over 2,500 men. Generals McCook 
and Harker were killed while bravely leading the assaulting columns. 

Thomas wrote Sherman at the close of this action: " We have 
already lost heavily to-day without gaining any material advan- 
tage; one or two more such assaults would use up this army." 
It would seem that Sherman's experience at Chickasaw Bluff 
and Missionary Ridge would have made him wary about sacrific- 
ing his men in an attack on a strongly fortified position like that of 
Kenesaw Mountain. He explains in his report that, "An army 
must not settle down to a single mode of offense," and that he 
" wanted, therefore, for the moral effect, to make a successful assault 
against the enemy behind his breastworks." Surely the troops that 
assaulted the Confederate positions at Rocky Face Ridge, New 
Hope Church, Pickett's Mill, and Lost Mountain did not need to 
make any more frontal attacks for " moral effect." But, a series of 
flank movements makes dull history ; the story of a storming column 
furnishes better reading and confers greater renown. 

" Satisfied of the bloody cost of attacking intrenched lines," as 
Sherman phrases it in his " Memoirs," he resumed his former tactics, 
and ordered a flank movement to the Chattahoochee River. John- 
ston, anticipating this, evacuated Kenesaw Mountain July second, 
abandoning Marietta and the railroad as far as that point. The 
Confederates, after making a brief stand at Smyrna and again near 
Vining's Station, fell back to the line of the Chattahoochee River. 
On the ninth they crossed the river, burning the railroad bridge, 
pontoons, and trestle bridge. 

In the general forward movement of Sherman's armies after the 
evacuation of Kenesaw, the Twentieth Corps arrived, July fifth, in 
front of the Chattahoochee. Going into position on a high ridge 
overlooking the Confederate line, Hooker's men caught their first 
view of Atlanta, "The Gate City of the South." The goal was 
now in sight. 

The next day the corps crossed Nickajack Creek, and on the 
ninth its pickets advanced to the bank of the Chattahoochee. The 
Twentieth Corps remained encamped here quietly for eight days, 
although other parts of the army were engaged on active movements. 

25S 



Sbe ftwentfetb Corpe 

As soon as the men occupied the bank of the river they established 
friendly relations with the pickets on the farther side. The veterans 
who had served in the Twelfth Corps, remembering the temporary 
truce they had arranged while on the Rappahannock, entered into 
an agreement with their opponents to suspend all unnecessary firing 
on each other. It is related that one day while the pickets were 
idly standing on each side of the river in their respective places, a 
Confederate officer rode up and ordered his men to fire on the Yanks 
across the stream. But the Johnnies refused to violate their agree- 
ment. It was further understood that when hostilities were resumed 
by either side, the first volley should be fired in the air. The peace- 
ful time that ensued was a grateful relief from the incessant discharge 
of rifles on the picket line which had been kept up daily in one place 
or another since the opening of the campaign. Were it not for the 
occasional sound of distant cannon there was nothing to remind the 
soldiers that they were still on an active campaign. 

In his interesting history of the Twenty-seventh Indiana, the 
author narrates the following incident: " During our truce with the 
rebel pickets along the Chattahoochee, members of the Twenty- 
seventh became in a measure intimate with a lieutenant and a 
number of his men, belonging to the Tenth Georgia (Confederate) 
regiment. The privilege of bathing in the river was freely accorded 
to both sides, and there was quite a little interchange of courtesies, 
as well as commodities, between our boys and these Southern youths. 
Warm hearted, full of fun, ready to give or take a joke, never harsh 
or ill-tempered in their language, in all, except their uniforms, they 
seemed one with ourselves. But while our association with them 
was in progress we received orders to march. The next day we 
crossed the Chattahoochee and, the third day after crossing, we took 
part in the battle of Peach Tree Creek. After it was over we found 
the names of the Georgia lieutenant and several of his men on the 
head boards marking the graves of those killed in front of our regi- 
ment. The thirty years and more that have gone over our heads 
since then have not entirely removed the pain which we have 
always felt when recalling this episode of war. " 

The cool, rainy spell in June was now succeeded by a period of 
intense heat. The air was filled with swarms of insects that inter- 
fered in no small degree with the comfort of the camp. Still the 
men had no difficulty in passing away the time. They ' ' ate black- 

259 



Zbc ftwenttetb Corps 

berries and slept for a week. " They further improved the oppor- 
tunity by ridding themselves of the vermin — pcdicula — that infested 
the clothes of nearly every one, both officers and men. No amount 
of attention to one's person, or the most scrupulous cleanliness of 
clothes and body, would ensure immunity from the pest. But the 
soldiers, fortunately, had one sure remedy. Stripping themselves 
naked, they put every article of clothing in camp kettles filled with 
hot water, and boiled the garments until every particle of life was 
extinct. Bryant,* in describing this phase of army life says: " To 
see fully 500 naked men scattered along the river bank attending to 
boiling clothes, while about 500 more naked soldiers were scattered 
in groups or playing cards in the shade of the trees, all vigorously 
applying a brush of bushes to ward off the attacks of the winged 
insects of a southern forest, while above their heads, flaunting and 
drying in the summer breeze, were garments of varied hue and shape 
— altogether it was a sight to provoke a smile from even the gods 
of war. " Another regimental historian, telling of the same scene, 
remarks that, " A sudden call to march would have found whole 
battalions, if not brigades, in a stark condition of nativity." 

Breaking camp on the seventeenth the Twentieth Corps crossed 
the Chattahoochee at Pace's Ferry on the pontoon bridge. On the 
eighteenth it crossed Nancy's Creek and occupied a position on the 
Buckhead Road. Geary's Division advanced on the nineteenth to 
Peach Tree Creek, a stream about twenty feet wide, with marshy 
shores and muddy bottom. There was no road, bridge, or ford on 
Geary's front, and the opposite bank was held by the enemy. 
Twelve pieces of artillery and a strong skirmish line opened fire on 
the Confederates, under cover of which the pioneers of the Second 
Division constructed a footbridge. Ireland's Brigade filed across 
it on the double-quick, formed line, and attacked so promptly that 
the surprised Confederates fled, leaving their intrenching tools 
behind and twenty-three of their number prisoners. In the night 
two more bridges were thrown across the creek, and roads to them 
were made for the artillery and wagon trains. The next morning 
the two other divisions passed over. 

* History of the Third Wisconsin. 
260 



£be Gwentletb Corpe 
peacb £ree Grceft. 

General Johnston received a telegram July eighteenth from the 
Confederate Secretary of War, informing him that as he ' ' had failed 
to arrest the advance of the enemy to the vicinity of Atlanta, ' ' and 
expressed no confidence that "he could defeat or repel him," he 
was relieved from his command, which he was instructed to turn 
over immediately to General Hood. This was an important inci- 
dent in the campaign. The reasons assigned for relieving Johnston 
made it imperative on Hood to assume offensive operations or, at 
least, to force the fighting. His " effective strength " at this time, 
as stated in his report, amounted to 48,750 men — infantry, artillery, 
and cavalry. The change in the Confederate plan of campaign 
became apparent immediately. 

Two days later — July twentieth — Hooker's Corps had advancd 
about one mile south of Peach Tree Creek, when Williams's Divi- 
sion was halted near a group of deserted houses on a road which 
joined, at a point one mile farther on, with the road from Pace's 
Ferry at the house of H. Embry. Geary, coming up soon after, 
formed on Williams's left, but some distance in advance; Ward's 
(formerly Butterfield's) Division went into position still farther to 
the left, in open ground beyond a small stream called Early's Creek. 
On the right of Hooker lay the Fourteenth Corps ; and on his left, 
the Fourth Corps. 

Williams's Division was formed with Knipe on the right, Robin- 
son on the left, and Ruger in the rear. Geary occupied high 
ground, with Candy's and Jones's Brigades, in rearof which Ireland 
lay in support. Ward's line was held by Harrison, Coburn, and 
Wood, in the same order from right to left. Portions of the corps 
artillery were placed in advantageous positions along the front. 

About three-thirty p. m. Hardee's and Stewart's Corps came 
swarming out of their intrenchments, and delivered a sudden and 
unexpected attack on the Twentieth Corps. The first onset was 
directed against Ward's left. The sound of the musketry gave 
Geary and Williams warning to prepare for the assault which soon 
followed on their own front. The ground occupied by Hooker's 
line was broken in places by ravines along which regiments were 
refused — as termed in military phraseology. As the Confederates 
pressed forward through these ravines they encountered a terrible 
enfilade from the regiments thus posted. 

261 



Gbc ftwcnttetb dorps 

Geary's advanced position left his right exposed. A proper con- 
nection with Williams had not heen made before the fight began. 
Some of Geary's right regiments, attacked suddenly on flank and 
rear, gave way, leaving a section of the Thirteenth New York Bat- 
tery, Captain Bundy, in an isolated, unprotected situation. The 
gunners were killed or driven from their pieces. Two non-com- 
missioned officers fell dead, one with nine and the other with seven 
bullet wounds. But Bundy wheeled his remaining guns to the 
right, and using canister checked the advance of the Confederates 
until some of Geary's troops could regain the ground. The One 
Hundred and Forty-seventh Pennsylvania and Fifth Ohio received 
special mention in the reports for the steadiness with which they 
maintained their position when a part of the line was broken, and 
for the gallantry displayed in saving the artillery from capture. 

As the Confederates gained temporary advantages by the 
peculiar, broken formation of the ground, various regiments in 
Geary's Division changed front forward to right or left to meet 
these movements of the charging columns, repulsing them each time 
with a deadly fire that had a disheartening effect on the enemy. 

One Confederate brigade made a bold dash up the ravine 
between Williams and the Fourteenth Corps. But this move was 
defeated by the right regiment of Knipe's Brigade (Forty-sixth 
Pennsylvania) and one (Twenty-seventh Indiana) sent by Ruger to 
Knipe's assistance. The One Hundred and Fifth Illinois, of 
Robinson's Brigade, captured the flag of the Twelfth Louisiana. 
The enemy exerted his strongest pressure against Knipe's front, but 
without avail; not a regiment yielded a foot of ground. The 
musketry along the Red Star line was furious and well sustained. 
Some of the men loaded and fired so fast that their rifles became 
overheated — so hot that the barrel could not be grasped in the 
soldier's hand. The historian of the One Hundred and Twenty- 
third New York says that " Corporal Smith's gun went off while he 
was in the act of ramming home a cartridge, and John had to hunt 
around and find another ramrod." 

Ward's Division, on which the first attack was made, not only 
repulsed the enemy, but, advancing under fire, crossed the ravine on 
Ward's left, seized a hill in front, and established connection with 
Newton's Division of the Fourth Corps. Ward's troops took four 
stands of colors from the Confederates in this action. Private 



Gbe twentieth Corps 

Buckley, of the One Hundred and Thirty-sixth New York, captured 
the battle-flag of the Thirty-first Mississippi by knocking down the 
color bearer with the butt of a musket and wrenching the flagstaff 
from his hands. For this act Buckley was awarded a medal of 
honor. The Twenty-sixth Wisconsin, of this same division, bore 
off in triumph the colors of the Thirty-third Mississippi. 

After three hours of desperate fighting the enemy retired dis- 
comfited and beaten, leaving hundreds of their dead and wounded 
lying on the ground. 

General Geary says in his report of this battle : " The field every- 
where bore marks of the extreme severity of the conflict, and recalled 
to my mind, in appearance, the scene of conflict where the same 
division (Geary's) fought at Gettysburg. Not a tree or bush within 
our range but bore the scars of battle. The appearance of the 
enemy as they charged upon our front across the clear field was 
magnificent. Rarely has such a sight been presented in battle. 
Pouring out from the woods they advanced in immense brown and 
gray masses (not lines), with flags and banners, many of them new 
and beautiful, while their general and staff officers were in plain 
view, with drawn sabres flashing in the light, galloping here and 
there as they urged their troops on to the charge. The rebel troops 
also seemed to rush forward with more than customary nerve and 
heartiness in the attack. This grand charge was Hood's inaugural, 
and his army came upon us that day full of high hope, confident 
that the small force in their front could not withstand them; but 
their ardor and confidence were soon shaken. ' ' 

The brunt of the fighting at Peach Tree Creek fell with slight 
exception entirely on the Twentieth Corps. Its losses in this battle 
were: 





Killed. 


Wounded. 


Missing. 


Aggregate. 


Williams's Division 
Geary's Division 
Ward's Division - 


119 

82 
94 


458 
229 

447 


3 

*165 
10 


580 
476 
551 


Total --- - 


295 


1,134 


178 


1,607 



* Captured while on picket line or as skirmishers. 



263 



Gbe Gwenttctb Corps 

The regiments sustaining the greatest percentage of loss cannot 
be determined, as most of the commandants neglected to state the 
number of men carried into action. Without this information the 
comparative losses cannot be ascertained. The regiments returning 
the largest number of casualties, irrespective of their number in 
action, and including losses on the twenty-first and twenty-second, 
were : 







Killed. 


Wounded. 


Missing. 


Aggregate. 


46th Pennsylvania - 


Williams's - 


25 


101 


2 


128 


33rd Indiana 


Ward's - 


18 


73 


- 


91 


141st New York 


Williams's - 


15 


65 


- 


80 


61st Ohio - 


Williams's - 


13 


66 


2 


81 


5th Connecticut 


Williams's - 


23 


52 


1 


76 


29th Pennsylvania 


Geary's 


11 


32 


32 


75 


33rd New Jersey 


Geary's 


15 


20 


36 


71 


129th Illinois 


Ward's - 


12 


52 


- 


64 


82nd Ohio 


Williams's - 


12 


45 


5 


62 


79th Ohio 


Ward's - 


10 


48 


- 


58 


123rd New York 


Williams's - 


12 


37 


- 


49 



With such hard fighting there was, necessarily, a serious loss 
among the field officers, who everywhere led their men with a gal- 
lantry that conduced materially to the victory achieved on this 
occasion by the Star Corps. Among the killed or mortally wounded 
lay Col. W. K. Logie, One Hundred and Forty-first New York; 
Col. George A. Cobham, One Hundred and Eleventh Pennsylva- 
nia; Lieut. Col. W. H. H. Bown, Sixty-first Ohio; Lieut. Col. 
Charles B. Randall, One Hundred and Forty-ninth New York; 
Maj. Lathrop Baldwin, One Hundred and Seventh New York; 
and Capt. Thomas H. Elliott, Assistant Adjutant General, of Gen- 
eral Geary's staff. A large number of field officers were wounded 
also. The One Hundred and Forty-first New York, in addition to 
the death of its young colonel, lost its lieutenant-colonel, major, 
and adjutant, each wounded so severely as to be incapacitated for 
further service. 

The next day was spent in burying the dead and caring for the 
wounded. Geary reported that 409 of the enemy's dead were 
buried on the field by a fatigue party from his division. 

264 



£be Swentietb Corps 

On the morning of the twenty-second Hooker advanced his 
corps, moving through the woods across a rough, broken country in 
the direction of Atlanta. After marching a mile or so the troops 
crossed the strong fortifications evacuated by the enemy during the 
previous night. These works had been constructed for the outer 
defenses of the city. There was some brisk skirmishing, in which 
the Confederate pickets were driven into the main intrenchments 
around Atlanta. By night the Twentieth Corps succeeded in estab- 
lishing itself in a position two miles from the centre of the city. 

This same day — July twenty-second — General Hood, undeter- 
red by his bloody repulse at Peach Tree Creek, made another sally 
in which he attacked the Army of the Tennessee. The battle that 
ensued was one of the most important in the series of engagements 
since the army left Chattanooga. The Western troops, although 
attacked while in a disadvantageous position, fought with a courage- 
ous spirit that sent Hood's forces, broken and defeated, back within 
the defenses of the town. General McPherson, while reconnoi- 
tring the enemy's front, unaccompanied except by a member of his 
staff, rode into a party of hostile pickets, and was killed at the begin- 
ning of the engagement. 

Sherman says in his Memoirs that he "purposely allowed the 
Army of the Tennessee to fight this battle almost unaided . . . 
because " he "knew that if any assistance was rendered by either of 
the other armies, the Army of the Tennessee would be jealous." 
His losses in this battle amounted to 3,521, killed, wounded, and 
missing. 

General Hooker now expected that he would be appointed to the 
command of the three corps constituting the Army of the Tennessee 
— the vacancy caused by McPherson's death. He felt that his 
previous service on so many of the historic fields of the war, together 
with the fact that he had commanded the Army of the Potomac at 
one time, would entitle him to the place. But Sherman says "his 
chances were not even considered." Generals Logan and Blair, 
commanding respectively the Fifteenth and Seventeenth Corps of 
the Army of the Tennessee, were each aspirants for the place. 
But Sherman says he "regarded both as 'volunteers,' that looked 
to personal fame and glory as auxiliary and secondary to their politi- 
cal ambitions, and not as professional soldiers." General Howard, 
of the Fourth Corps, was selected ' ' as the best officer who was 

265 



Zbe twentieth Corps 

present and available for the purpose." Hooker interpreted this 
appointment of a junior officer as meaning that there was nothing 
further in the future for him in the way of promotion or favorable 
consideration. He accordingly sent the following communication 
to general headquarters : 

Neae Atlanta, Ga., July 27, 1864. 
Sib. — I have just learned that Major General Howard, my junior, has been 
assigned to the command of the Army of the Tennessee. If this is the case I 
request that I may be relieved from duty with this army. Justice and self- 
respect alike require my removal from an army in which rank and service are 
ignored. I should like to have my personal staff relieved with me. 

JOSEPH HOOKER, 

Major-General. 

It would seem that Hooker's action was not premature, for on 
the same day Sherman sent a despatch which read as follows : 

July 87, 1864. 
General Thomas. — Send me the papers about Hooker to-night, and make 
specific recommendations to fill the vacancies. Make Hooker resign his post as 
ccmmander of the Twentieth Corps, that he cannot claim it and occasion delay 
in filling the vacancy. W. T. SHERMAN, 

Major-General. 

Hooker's request to be relieved was granted. General Slocum 
was ordered to leave Vicksburg and come to Atlanta to take com- 
mand of the Twentieth Corps. On July twenty-eighth Hooker 
turned the command over to General Williams, who was directed 
by General Sherman to exercise its duties until the arrival of Slocum. 
Hooker's soldiers heard the news of his departure with regret, for 
he had won the confidence and admiration of every man that had 
served under him in this campaign. 

Sieoe of Htlanta. 

The siege of Atlanta — if it may be called such — was now fairly 
under way. The city was too large to be completely invested, and 
so the approaches were made on the north and west only. 

On July twenty-fifth the Army of the Tennessee still held the 
left, near the railroad to Decatur, where it fought the battle of the 

266 



Gbe {Twentieth Corps 

twenty-second; the Army of the Ohio came next; and then the 
Army of the Cumberland — Fourth, Twentieth and Fourteenth 
Corps in the order named. The Twentieth Corps lay northwest of 
the city on either side of the Chattanooga Railroad (Western and 
Atlantic), a position which it occupied during the entire siege. 

But on the twenty-fifth the Army of the Tennessee was trans- 
ferred to the extreme right ; and a week later the Army of the Ohio 
(Schofield) was moved to the right also, extending the lines still 
farther in that direction. The investing forces now lay on the north 
and west of the city, as before stated. A continuous line of strong 
earthworks was constructed by the troops while under fire, close to 
and parallel with the fortifications of the enemy. The besieging 
forces occupied a front of over five miles. The picket firing was 
incessant for awhile, and the 20-pounder Parrotts of the artillery, 
from the cover of well-constructed parapets, threw shells at short 
intervals into the city. 

On July twenty- seventh, the Thirteenth New Jersey, Col. E. A. 
Carman (Williams's Division), distinguished itself in an attack on 
the enemy's line — something in the nature of a forlorn hope. On 
a knoll in front of this regiment stood three buildings, within the 
enemy's skirmish line and only a short distance in front of his fortifi- 
cations. These houses were occupied by sharpshooters who kept up 
an annoying fire on the pickets. Twenty volunteers were called 
for, who, provided with combustibles, were to burn the houses while 
the regiment engaged the enemy. The call was promptly responded 
to. From the breastworks of the Twentieth Corps thousands of 
soldiers watched the Thirteenth as it formed line, with the little 
party of house burners in its rear, preparatory to its dangerous task. 
At the word of command the regiment moved forward in fine style, 
seized the rifle pits, captured officers and men, and, advancing under 
the fire from the Confederate works, took a position which it held 
until the houses were in flames. The Jerseymen then fell back to 
the cover of their intrenchments amid the cheers of the admiring 
spectators, having sustained a smaller loss than was expected. 

Hood made another sortie July twenty-eighth, attacking the 
right flank of the Army of the Tennessee, which was then extending 
its line southward near Ezra Church. The Confederates were 
quickly repulsed, Howard's troops losing 572 in this engagement. 
August fifth and sixth, Schofield's troops, assisted by a portion of 

267 



ftbc tlwentictb Corps 

the Fourteenth Corps, advanced their lines on the extreme right, 
bringing on another minor engagement known as the battle of 
Utoy Creek. 

Along the front of the Twentieth Corps the men had con- 
structed earthworks of great strength, within 350 yards of the 
enemy's guns. At some points the distance between the main 
lines was still less. These earthworks were sixteen feet or more in 
thickness at the base, four feet high on the outer front, and about 
seven feet wide on top. Logs, ten or more inches in diameter, 
were placed along the top of the parapet, resting on blocks of wood 
which formed openings that enabled the men to fire, while the logs 
protected their heads from the bullets of the enemy's sharpshooters. 

Each side maintained a line of vedettes or pickets 200 feet or 
more in advance of its trenches or forts. While on this duty the 
soldier occupied a protected place, usually a separate pit in which 
he crouched all day behind the earth or logs thrown up in front. 
Any careless exposure of the head or body was almost sure to result 
in a wound or death. The opposing picket lines were so near 
together that the men conversed with ease, and owing to the short 
range could be changed only at night. When a man went on duty 
in this advanced line he took his rations with him, for he knew he 
would not be relieved for twenty-four hours. 

In the main trenches the soldiers, when not engaged in firing, 
found shelter in the deep, broad, level excavation from which the 
earth had been thrown up to form the parapet. Still, several men 
were killed or wounded daily. If a man's head was seen above the 
edge of the works it became instantly a mark for the Confederate 
pickets, and many a soldier in the trenches lost life or limb through 
carelessness in this respect. As the Twentieth Corps occupied a 
front of two and a half miles, the losses during the siege were severe. 
At one time the pickets of both sides entered into an agreement to 
suspend firing, due notice to be given when, owing to orders, it 
became necessary to resume. But the line was occasionally advanced 
at some point to improve the position, when there would be a sudden 
outbreak and the bullets went humming everywhere again until 
quiet was restored. 

General Sherman ordered a battery of four and one-half inch 
rifled cannon (30-pounders) from Chattanooga, which was placed 
on Geary's front. The Confederates replied to these pieces with 

268 



©be ftwenttetb Corp0 

still heavier ordnance. At times the heavy guns on the Twentieth 
Corps front fired at short intervals day and night, and when dark- 
ness set in the burning fuses of the shells passing to and from the 
city afforded a fascinating display of pyrotechnics. Fires broke out 
repeatedly in the centre of the city, accompanied by the ringing of 
bells and cries of " fire " that were plainly heard in the lines of the 
besieging army. 

The weather was intensely warm. But the men in the trenches 
erected coverings of pine boughs that furnished a grateful shade 
until orders came that these obstructions must be removed — a wise 
precaution, but one that occasioned considerable grumbling. The 
Twentieth Corps was composed of veteran troops whose long and 
varied experience in the field enabled them to adapt themselves 
readily to circumstances and conditions of most any kind, and so 
despite the heat and swarming insects and dangers of the siege the 
men passed a fairly comfortable time. 

Though 290 miles from its base of supplies at Nashville, Sher- 
man's troops were better supplied with rations and clothing than 
was Pope's army in front of Washington. There was another and 
equally important source of comfort to the men, — the mails arrived 
regularly, and each regimental chaplain had the pleasure daily of 
distributing a batch of letters and express parcels among the expect- 
ant soldiers gathered round his tent. 

There were no drills or parades. When not on picket the men 
spent their time in writing letters, card playing, reading newspapers, 
cooking, eating, smoking, or sleeping. If there was nothing else 
to occupy their attention they watched the artillery practice of some 
favorite battery, noting eagerly the explosion of the shells in or 
about the particular building aimed at by the gunners. There was 
always some danger from random bullets and fragments of exploding 
shells ; but the men became so accustomed to the sound of these mis- 
siles that they manifested an indifference akin to rashness. In one 
place a negro waiter who was in attendance on an officers' mess at 
dinner was shot through the heart ; but " it did not delay the meal. " 

And then there were quiet, happy times as well. When evening 
came and the picket firing had ceased, the men retired to the slopes 
behind the trenches where they could listen to the music of the 
brigade bands. Here and there a chaplain gathered a group of the 
faithful for an hour of prayer and religious conference. Everywhere 

268 



Sbc twentieth dorps 

at evening the men joined in singing hymns and ballads — reminders 
of home and peace. At intervals, from across the valley came the 
sound of music on the night air where the Confederate soldiers were 
also singing hymns or southern war songs — and "all sang Annie 
Laurie." 

But the city was too large to be invested on all sides; its works 
were too strong to be carried by assault. The siege had con- 
tinued over a month without any material progress. The railroads 
entering Atlanta on the south were still intact and in operation for 
transporting supplies and troops. 

There were the usual cavalry raids on the enemy's communica- 
tions, with the usual fruitless results and the usual heavy loss in 
prisoners. In August, General McCook, with his division of 
mounted troops, made a raid on the Macon Railroad at Lovejoy's 
Station, tore up a piece of track, and was surrounded at Newman 
where he was roughly handled by Gen. Joe Wheeler. In extricating 
himself McCook lost over 600 men, most of them captured. Stone- 
man, with his cavalry, attempted a raid on Macon, in which he was 
captured, together with one of his brigades, while his two other 
brigades made their way back to Atlanta in detachments, one of 
them "perfectly demoralized," as described in the official report. 
Then Kilpatrick tried it. Sherman says: " Kilpatrick got off dur- 
ing the night of the eighteenth, and returned to us on the twenty- 
second, having made the complete circuit of Atlanta. He reported 
that he had destroyed three miles of the railroad about Jonesboro, 
which he reckoned would take ten days to repair. On the twenty- 
third, however, we saw trains coming into Atlanta from the south, 
when I became more than ever convinced that cavalry could not 
or would not work hard enough to disable a railroad properly, and 
therefore resolved at once to proceed to the execution of my orig- 
inal pkan. " The original plan referred to was to "reach it with 
the main army." 

There was only one way to capture Atlanta — there must be 
another flanking movement. The railroads south of the city must 
be destroyed so effectually that Hood would have to come out and 
fight. So on August twenty-sixth Sherman raised the siege. The 
Twentieth Corps was sent back to the Chattahoochee River to hold 
the bridges and railroads at that point. The main army, pro- 
visioned for twenty days, moved to the south of Atlanta and 
destroyed the West Point Railroad thoroughly for several miles, and 

270 



Gbe Swentietb Corps 

then, turning eastward, seized the Macon Railroad, August thirty- 
first, at the station called Rough and Ready. 

To meet this movement Hood sent Hardee's and S. D. Lee's 
Corps to Jonesboro, on the Macon Railroad, twenty-two miles south 
of Atlanta. These troops attacked the Fifteenth Corps on the 
thirty-first and were repulsed, after which Lee's Corps returned to 
Atlanta. Hardee then took up a fortified position at Jonesboro, 
from which he was driven the next day by the Fourteenth Corps. 
Hardee retreated south along the railroad to Lovejoy's Station, 
where he was joined September second by the remainder of Hood's 
Army. 

£be Evacuation of Hrlanta. 

While the fighting was going on south of Atlanta the Twentieth 
Corps was still encamped on the banks of the Chattahoochee, seven 
miles northwest of the city. General Slocum arrived August twenty- 
seventh and assumed command, his appearance being greeted with 
enthusiastic cheers as he rode through the camps. While at the 
Chattahoochee occasional attacks were made by small bands of Con- 
federate cavalry, which were easily repulsed without any serious 
fighting. 

On the night of September first heavy explosions were heard in 
the direction of Atlanta that sounded like the discharge of artillery 
in a general engagement. The uproar continued two hours, during 
which the whole camp was aroused, the men listening intently and 
discussing the cause. Many of them argued that Sherman was 
making a night attack on the defenses of the city. As subsequently 
learned, the enemy in their preparations to evacuate the place, 
destroyed eighty-one cars loaded with ammunition. 

General Slocum, suspecting the cause of these explosions, 
promptly ordered a reconnoissance in the direction of Atlanta, to be 
made by a detachment from each division. The detail from the 
First Division — three regiments under Col. N. M. Crane, One 
Hundred and Seventh New York — starting early the next morn- 
ing found the enemy's works abandoned, whereupon word was 
immediately sent to Slocum informing him that the city was evacu- 
ated. In the meantime the detail from the Third Division, com- 
posed of 900 men under Col. John Coburn, entered the town at 
nine a. m. They were met in the suburbs by Mayor Calhoun, who 
surrendered the city to Colonel Coburn, saying "he only asked 

2T1 



Gbe {Twentieth Corps 

protection for persons and property." The reconnoitring party 
from the Second Division, under Lieutenant Colonel Walker, One 
Hundred and Eleventh Pennsylvania, coming in on another street, 
were the first to reach the City Hall, on which the colors of the 
Sixtieth New York and One Hundred and Eleventh Pennsylvania 
were immediately hoisted. During the day the rest of the corps 
moved into the city, and occupied the abandoned earthworks. 
Some of the regiments, in accordance with orders, marched 
through the streets to the public square, with flags flying, bands 
playing, and the men in cadenced step. 

General Slocum, with his staff, occupied a house on the square, 
which was used also for corps headquarters. Colonel Cogswell, 
Second Massachusetts, was appointed post-commandant, and Lieu- 
tenant Colonel Morse, of the same regiment, provost-marshal. On 
the eighth, General Sherman returned with the main army, which 
encamped at various points not far from the city. 

The Twentieth Corps, after leaving Chattanooga, had been 
marching and fighting for 121 days, with only one short interval of 
rest. Though not in front all this time there was scarcely a day 
that it was away from the sound of artillery or picket firing. It had 
fought in six general engagements while on this campaign, and for 
weeks had been in front of the enemy's breastworks or in the trenches, 
losing men daily in killed and wounded while on this duty. 

General Sherman's losses on the Atlanta campaign, as stated by 
him, aggregated 4,990 killed, 22,822 wounded, and 3,875 missing; 
total, 31,687.* A careful study of the Confederate records indi- 
cates that their losses were about the same, not so many in killed 
and wounded, but a greater number of missing or prisoners. 

The Twentieth Corps sustained the greatest loss in action of any 
corps engaged in these operations, both numerically and in percent- 

* Sherman's Memoirs, Vol. II, p. 133. But his figures differ materially from the official 
casualty returns made by the three army commanders in September, 1864, which are as follows: 



ARMY. 



Killed. 



Wounded. 



Missing. 



Aggregate. 



Cumberland 

Tennessee 

Ohio 

Total - 



3,305 

1,448 

531 



5,284 



16,756 
6,993 
2,378 



15,127 



2,746 
1,873 
1,060 



5,679 



22,807 

10.314 

3,969 



37,090 



272 



£be Gwenttetb Corps 



age. The casualties by corps as stated by General Sherman in his 
Memoirs were: 



Army of the Cumberland. 
Fourth Corps 
Fourteenth Corps 
Twentieth Corps - 

Army of the Tennessee. 
Fifteenth Corps - 
Sixteenth Corps 
Seventeenth Corps 

Army of the Ohio. 
Twenty-third Corps 
Cavalry - - - . - 

Total 



Killed. 


Wounded. 


Missing. 


Aggregate. 


1,121 
1,095 
1,044 


4,300 
5,014 
5,912 


339 
166 
461 


5,760 
6,275 
7,417 


401 
376 

422 


2,538 
1,525 
1,674 


633 

99 

1,088 


3,572 
2,000 
3,184 


491 
40 


1,565 
294 


81 
1,008 


2,137 
1,342 


4,990 


22,822 


3,875 


31,687 



The casualties in the Twentieth Corps were divided about 
equally among the three divisions. The regiments sustaining the 
greatest losses were : 



REGIMENT. 


Division. 


Killed. 


Wounded. 


Missing. 


Total. 


46th Pennsylvania - 


First - 


41 


223 


7 


271 


70th Indiana 


Third 


38 


231 


- 


269 


33rd Indiana - 


Third - 


29 


209 


- 


238 


19th Michigan 


Third 


34 


191 


5 


230 


107th New York 


First - 


35 


180 


3 


218 


141st New York - 


First 


36 


175 


5 


216 


33rd New Jersey 


Second 


42 


155 


15 


212 


111th Pennsylvania 


Second 


32 


141 


38 


211 


28th Pennsylvania - 


Second 


17 


181 


1 


199 


3rd Wisconsin 


First 


23 


164 


5 


192 


22nd Wisconsin 


Third - 


27 


154 


- 


181 


129th Illinois 


Third 


29 


147 


- 


176 


149th New York 


Second 


36 


134 


10 


180 


5th Connecticut - 


First 


30 


145 


- 


175 


27th Indiana - 


First - 


20 


154 


- 


174 


79th Ohio - 


Third 


21 


147 


4 


172 


102nd Illinois - 


Third - 


27 


137 


1 


165 


29th Pennsylvania 


Second 


35 


126 


- 


161 


123rd New York 


First - 


20 


107 


17 


144 


61st Ohio - 


First 


23 


112 


2 


137 


82nd Ohio 


First - 


32 


98 


- 


130 



18 



273 



ZXk twentieth Corps 

In the Twentieth Corps 342 officers were killed or wounded. 

The campaign over, there was the usual distribution of rewards. 
At Sherman's request two brigadiers — Osterhaus and Hovey ■ — 
were made major generals, and eight colonels were promoted to the 
rank of brigadier. None of these favors, however, fell to the lot of 
the Twentieth Corps. And yet, there was a brigadier in that organi- 
zation whose commission was dated in May, 1861, who had served 
three years at the front as a division general, and who had com- 
manded a corps with marked ability at Antietam and Gettysburg; 
and there were veteran colonels who had commanded brigades on 
the Atlanta campaign and before, rendering meritorious service on 
every occasion. 

Slocum's Corps remained in Atlanta over two months, during 
which the soldiers were well housed, well fed, and had a pleasant 
time. As soon as they entered the city they confiscated the con- 
tents of the large tobacco warehouses. There was a profusion of 
plug and fine cut in the camps, and, discarding their briar wood 
pipes, everyone smoked cigars for awhile — all this to the detriment 
of the sutler, who regarded it with discomposure and lamented 
audibly the lack of discipline that permitted the looting of tobacco 
shops. 

New clothing was drawn. Drills, guard-mounting, and dress 
parades were resumed ; and the fine bands of Ruger's Brigade and 
the Thirty-third Massachusetts played each evening in the public 
square. General Slocum held division reviews, and as the troops 
marched past he noted with evident pleasure the veteran regiments 
that fought under him at Chancellorsville and Gettysburg. There 
was work to be done also. As the Confederate defenses about the 
city were too extensive to be held successfully by a single army corps, 
an inner line of works, shortened so as to require less men, was con- 
structed by parties detailed from each division. 

The paymaster having arrived, the men drew eight months' pay 
and sent most of it home, the rest going to the sutler or to the more 
skillful poker players. Some of the soldiers would organize a mess, 
take their rations to some house, and get a woman to cook for them 
— not that she could cook any better, but because the boys wanted 
the privilege of sitting at a table, eating from clean white plates, and 
drinking from coffee cups. At the Opera House nightly entertain- 
ments were given by a " variety ' ' troupe composed of talent selected 
from the soldiers of the garrison. 

274 



Gbe twentieth Corps 

One evening when the band of the Thirty-third Massachusetts 
was serenading General Sherman he suggested that it give a concert 
in the theatre for the benefit of Mrs. Welch , the widow of the late 
Masonic Grand Master of the State, whose house he was occupy- 
ing, and who had been left destitute by the war. The band, in 
compliance with the general's kindly suggestion, gave a vocal and 
instrumental entertainment that was an artistic and financial suc- 
cess. Some Atlanta ladies, friends of the beneficiary, assisted in 
the vocal numbers on the program. From the old printed program, 
still preserved, it appears that the band gave the Soldiers' Chorus 
as one of its selections, indicating that it was up to date with its 
music, for Gounod's Faust was brought out only a year or so 
before. " Then a play was put on the stage. The theatre had a 
great run till the very last night before the march, when the receipts 
were $667. The season lasted four weeks — seventeen nights — 
and the band took in $8,000 in all. It gave $2,000 to Mrs. Welch, 
and out of the balance kept enough to pay its members the amount 
due from the officers to the end of their three years' enlistment." * 
And this is one of the ways in which the soldiers of the Star Corps 
amused themselves when not engaged in fighting. 

Some changes in the corps roster occurred about this time. While 
at the Chattahoochee, on the day Slocum's Corps entered Atlanta, 
the Twenty-seventh Indiana went home, its three-years term of 
enlistment having expired. This regiment was composed of fighting 
material that had no superior in all the Federal armies. It had made 
a most heroic record at Antietam, Gettysburg, and many other 
battles of the war, and when it left the front Ruger's men felt that 
their brigade had lost its strong right arm. General Ruger, one of 
the most competent officers of his rank in the service, also left the 
corps soon after, having been promoted to the command of a divi- 
sion in the Twenty-third Corps. The Seventy-eighth New York, 
Col. Herbert Hammerstein, was transferred to the One Hundred 
and Second New York, Hammerstein retaining his colonelcy. A 
large regiment — Thirty-first Wisconsin — joined Robinson's Brig- 
ade July twenty-first, exchanging places with the Forty-fifth New 
York, a German regiment, which was sent to Nashville. Col. 
David Ireland, One Hundred and Thirty-seventh New York, com- 

* The Thirty-third Massachusetts. By Gen. Adin B. Underwood, A. M. Boston : Williams 
fc Co. 1881. 

975 



£bc Swcntictb Corps 

manding Third Brigade, Second Division, died of disease Septem- 
ber tenth, and was succeeded by Col. Henry A. Barnum. Colonel 
Ireland was an officer in the Regular Army, holding a commission 
as captain in the Fifteenth United States Infantry. After General 
Greene was wounded Ireland commanded the Third Brigade at 
Lookout Mountain and on the Atlanta campaign, achieving honor- 
able distinction in each battle by his gallant conduct and skillful 
handling of his troops. 

The battalion of the Third Maryland composed of men who 
did not re-enlist went home for muster-out. But enough men in 
this regiment re-enlisted to preserve its organization, and they had 
gone home previously on a veteran furlough. They did not rejoin 
the corps, but were ordered to the Army of the Potomac. Going 
to the front in Virginia, they arrived there while one of the battles 
at Spotsylvania was in progress. Joining Leasure's Brigade, Ninth 
Corps, they went into action immediately. At the sudden unex- 
pected appearance of this regiment — the men still wearing the red 
star on their cap — a shout of welcome ran along the firing line, 
and the glad cry was raised, " The Twelfth Corps has returned." 
But the Star Corps that day was fighting on the Resaca Hills, a 
thousand miles away. 

Soon after the occupation of the city, General Sherman, for 
military reasons, ordered all the families remaining in the place to 
leave. He provided railway transportation south as far as Rough 
and Ready. As the railroad beyond that station had been torn up 
for several miles, General Hood sent wagon trains to this point, in 
which the refugees and their personal effects were transported to 
Lovejoy's Station, where they could take cars again for such other 
places as they might choose. This work having been accomplished, 
Hood started northward with his troops to operate against Sherman's 
line of communication. 

October third Sherman took his entire army, v, ith the exception 
of Slocum's Corps, and started northward in pursuit of Hood. 
Sherman was absent from Atlanta on this expedition six weeks. He 
followed Hood as far north as Resaca and Lafayette. Then, turn- 
ing back to conform to the movements of his wily adversary, he 
moved down the valley of the Chattooga River to its junction with 
the Coosa, establishing his headquarters at Gaylesville. Sherman 
was unable to force Hood into a general engagement, and, aside from 

276 



£bc £wentietb Corps 

a few attacks on railroad garrisons, there was no fighting except at 
Allatoona Pass, where one of Hood's Divisions (French's) met with 
a bloody repulse. This post was heroically and successfully defended 
by an inferior force under command of Gen. John M. Corse. It 
was during this action that Sherman signaled the memorable 
despatch: "Hold the fort; I am coming." 

During the absence of Sherman's Army Slocum's troops in 
Atlanta were on short rations for a few days, owing to raids on the 
Chattanooga Railroad. But foraging parties were immediately sent 
out, some fifteen miles or so to the eastward, which soon returned 
with 500 wagons loaded with forage, corn, and potatoes, together 
with an abundant supply of fresh pork, mutton, and poultry. 
Another train of 800 wagons went out October twenty-third which 
came back loaded, principally with corn. This latter supply was 
needed to put the ' ' beef on the hoof ' ' in proper condition for killing. 
But the railroad was soon repaired, after which there was no further 
scarcity of food or lack of variety. 

Sherman finding it impossible to bring Hood to bay left two 
corps — Fourth and Twenty-third — under Thomas to take care of 
the Confederate Army, wherever it might go, and then returned 
with the remainder of his forces to Atlanta. 

The sick and the feeble, together with all non-combatants, were 
sent to the rear, leaving none but able-bodied veterans at the front. 
On November twelfth the last railroad train for the North left 
Atlanta, and the track was torn up for many miles as soon as it 
passed. Sherman had burned his bridges behind him. 

ftbe fIDarcb to tbe Sea. 

General Sherman was now ready to put in execution the plan 
which he had conceived and been considering carefully a long time. 
He intended to abandon Atlanta entirely, march eastward through 
central Georgia, seize Savannah, and establish there a new base of 
supplies. 

For this purpose he organized his forces in two subordinate 
armies. One, designated the Right Wing, under General Howard, 
was composed of the Fifteenth and Seventeenth Corps ;* the other, 
or Left Wing, under General Slocum, was composed of the Four- 

* The two divisions of the Sixteenth Corps had been broken up and distributed to the Fif- 
teenth and Seventeenth Corps. 

27T 



Gbe Gwentictb Corps 



teenth and Twentieth Corps. The Right Wing retained its name 
— Army of the Tennessee; the Left Wing was subsequently desig- 
nated the Army of Georgia. In addition there was a division of cav- 
alry under General Kilpatriek. These combined forces numbered 
55,329 infantry, 5,063 cavalry, and 1,812 artillery; total, 62,204. 

There were 65 pieces of artillery, each gun, caisson, and forge 
drawn by eight horses. In the trains there were 2,500 wagons and 
600 ambulances, the wagon train of each corps being five miles long 
when on the road. A pontoon train of canvas boats accompanied 
each corps. As each bridge train had a capacity of 900 feet, either 
wing of the army could span a river 1,800 feet wide by combining 
its two trains. 

The Twentieth Corps numbered 14,292 officers and men, present 
for duty. Its organization at this time was : 

Twentieth Army; Corps. 

Brig. Gen. Alpheus S. Williams. 

First Division. 

Brig. Gen. Nathaniel J. Jackson. 

First Brigade. 
Col. James L. Selfridge. 

- Lieut. Col. Henry W. Daboll. 
Lieut. Col. James C. Rogers. 

- Capt. William Merrill. 
Maj. Patrick Griffith. 

Second Brigade. 
Col. Ezra A. Carman. 

- Col. William Cogswell. 
Maj. Frederick H. Harris. 

- Maj. Charles J. Fox. 
Maj. Alfred B. Smith. 

- Col. William Hawley. 

Third Brigade. 
Col. James S. Robinson. 

Maj. Ferdinand H. Rolshausen. 

- Lieut. Col. John B. Le Sage. 
Lieut. Col. Hezekiah Watkins. 

- Capt. John Garrett. 
Lieut. Col. David Thompson. 

- Col. Francis H. West. 



6th Connecticut, 
123rd New York, ■ 
141st New York, 
46th Pennsylvania, 



2nd Massachusetts, 
13 th New Jersey, - 
107th New York, 
150th New York, - 

8rd Wisconsin, 



82nd Illinois, 
101st Illinois, 
143rd New York, 
61st Ohio, 
82nd Ohio, - 
81st Wisconsin, 
878 



Zbe ftwenttetb Corps 



5th Ohio, - 

29th Ohio, 
66th Ohio, - 
28th Pennsylvania, 
147th Pennsylvania, 



88rd New Jersey, 
119th New York, - 
184th New York, 
154th New York, 

78rd Pennsylvania, 
109th Pennsylvania, 



Second Division. 
Huh;. Gen. John W. Geary. 

First Brigade. 
Col. Ario Pardee, Jr. 

Lieut. Col. Robert Kirkup. 

- Maj. Myron T. Wright. 
Lieut. Col. Eugene Powell. 

- Col. John Flynn. 
Lieut. Col. John Craig. 

Second Brigade. 
Col. Patrick H. Jones. 

- Col. George W. Mindil. 
Col. John T. Lockman. 

- Lieut. Col. Allan H. Jackson. 
Maj. Lewis D. Warner. 
Maj. Charles C. Cresson. 
Capt. Walter G. Dunn. 



60th New York, 
102nd New York, 
137th New York, 
149th New York, 

29th Pennsylvania, 
111th Pennsylvania, 



102nd Illinois, 

105th Illinois, 

129th Illinois, 

70th Indiana, 

79th Ohio, 



Third Brigade. 
Col. Henry A. Barnum. 

- Maj. Thomas Elliott. 
Lieut. Col. Harvey S. Chatfield. 
Lieut. Col. Koert S. Van Voorhis. 
Maj. Nicholas Grumbach. 
Lieut. Col. Samuel M. Zulich. 
Lieut. Col. Thomas M. Walker. 

Third Division. 
Brig. Gen. William T. Ward. 

First Brigade. 
Col. Franklin C. Smith. 

- Maj. Hiland H. Clay. 

- Maj. Henry D. Brown. 

- Col. Henry Case. 

- Lieut. Col. Samuel Merrill. 

- Lieut. Col. Azariah W. Doan. 

279 



Gbe twentieth Corps 

Second Brigade. 
Col. Daniel Diistin. 
33rd Indiana, ... Lieut. Col. James E. Burton. 

85th Indiana, - Lieut. Col. Alexander B. Crane. 

19th Michigan, ... Lieut. Col. John J. Baker. 

22nd Wisconsin, ... Lieut. Col. Edward Bloodgood. 

Third Brigade. 
Col. Samuel Ross. 
20th Connecticut, - Lieut. Col. Philo B. Buckingham. 

33rd Massachusetts, ... Lieut. Col. Elisha Doane. 
136th New York, - - - Lieut. Col. Lester B. Faulkner. 

55th Ohio, .... Lieut. Col. Edwin H. Powers. 

73rd Ohio, - Lieut. Col. Samuel H. Hurst. 

26th Wisconsin, ... Lieut. Col. Frederick C. Winkler. 

Artillery. 
Maj. John C. Reynolds. 
1st New York, Battery I, - Capt. Charles E. Winegar. 

1st New York, Battery M, - Lieut. Edward P. Newkirk. 

1st Ohio, Battery C, - - Capt. Marco B. Gary. 

Pennsylvania, Battery E, - - Capt. Thomas S. Sloan. 

Before starting on the march two engineer regiments, assisted 
by the Second Massachusetts, blew up the buildings at the railway 
station, including the round-house and machine shops of the Georgia 
Railroad, and set fire to the wreck. Other shops and foundries that 
had been employed by the Confederate government in the manu- 
facture of cannon, arms, shells, or other munitions of war were 
burned. The fire spread to adjoining buildings in the business 
quarter, and soon the greater part of the city was in flames. As 
the soldiers of the departing army reached the hills on the eastern 
side of Atlanta and turned to take a look at the doomed city, it was 
hidden beneath a dense cloud of smoke through which great tongues 
of flame shot upward, making an appalling sight that nothing but 
the exigencies of a stern warfare could justify. 

The great march began November fifteenth, the troops moving 
off at route step with guns at right-shoulder-shift. But few outside 
of general headquarters knew the destination of the army ; the rank 
and file gave the question little thought. As the movement to 
Savannah would require twenty-five days, twenty days' rations for 

280 



Gbe Gwentietb Corps 

the men and five days' forage for the teams were carried in the 
wagons. With each division were droves of cattle that supplied 
additional rations of " beef on the hoof." For the rest, the orders 
were to ' ' forage liberally on the country. ' ' 

The distance to Savannah was 305 miles, but it varied consider- 
ably according to the route taken by each column. The corps 
commanders were instructed to march from ten to fifteen miles each 
day, varying the distance according to the condition of the roads 
or movement of the trains. As customary, the divisions took turns 
in the privilege of the advance, the leading division of one day 
becoming the rear guard on the next. The division having the lead 
was generally in camp by two in the afternoon, while the one that 
was last that day seldom reached its place of bivouac until after 
dark. 

The route taken by the Twentieth Corps from Atlanta to 
Savannah was through Decatur, Stone Mountain, Rockbridge, Social 
Circle, Madison, Blue Spring, Eatonton, Milledgeville, Sandersville, 
Tennille, Davisborough, Louisville, Millen, Springfield, and Mon- 
teith, crossing on the way the Oconee and Ogeechee Rivers. In 
accordance with orders, when a division passed through a town the 
troops closed up, unfurled their flags, and fell into cadenced step, 
while the bands with their music generally called the attention of 
the people to the fact that John Brown's soul was marching on. 

As the main Confederate army of the West, under General 
Hood, was absent on the Nashville campaign, the columns 
encountered but little opposition. Gen. Joe Wheeler remained 
with a small division of cavalry, and there were bodies of State 
militia under command of Generals McLaws, Cobb, and G. W. 
Smith. Frantic proclamations with calls " To Arms " were issued 
by Beauregard, Senator B. H. Hill, and others, but with little or 
no avail. Kilpatrick's mounted troops protected the flanks of the 
marching army, warding off Wheeler's attacks on every occasion, 
while the Georgia militia fell back everywhere before the advance 
of Sherman's infantry without firing a shot. But there were bands 
of mounted guerrillas or Home Guards, squads of partisan rangers, 
which, in the absence of Kilpatrick's cavalry, hung around the 
flanks of the Federal columns, picking up stragglers or foragers that 
wandered too far away from their commands. Aside from occa- 
sional skirmishes at some river crossing or outskirts of a town there 

281 



Gbc {Twentieth Corps 

was no fighting. The soldiers in the main columns seldom heard a 
gun. They regarded the march as a grand picnic excursion, and 
the pleasantest episode of the war. 

The story of the campaign as given here is taken mainly from 
official reports, the admirable sketches in regimental histories, and 
diaries of comrades. 

With the exception of three rainy days in the first week and 
occasional showers, the weather was fine. The roads were poor most 
of the way, the rains making them worse; but in Eastern Georgia 
the sandy highways were improved by the showers and afforded a 
good footing. Starting at daylight the leading division that day 
was generally in camp early in the afternoon. Still there was plenty 
of work to do. Entire brigades were ordered out to destroy the 
railroad along which it marched, and in the low, swampy districts 
large details were often sent back to assist the passage of the wagon 
trains, to construct corduroy roads, or put a shoulder to the wheel 
whenever necessary. 

The destruction of railroads was an important feature of the 
march. The track was torn up for miles at various places, the ties 
burned, and the rails, by heating and twisting, rendered unfit for 
use. Each bridge and culvert along the line of march was destroyed. 

The soldiers soon became quite proficient in this peculiar engi- 
neering — the reverse of constructive work. The men detailed for it 
were usually divided into three large gangs, a thousand or so in each. 
To one party was assigned the work of tearing up the track. For 
this purpose a long line of soldiers, standing closely together, were 
placed at one side of the roadbed. With each grasping the end of 
a tie, at the signal, Hee-yo-hee, they lifted altogether, and turned 
the track over, bottom side up. Then they went on to the next 
section marked out for them. Party Number Two busied itself 
with the piece of overturned track, knocked the ties loose from the 
rails, and piled them, " cob-house " fashion, ready for burning. The 
loose rails were placed on top of these piles. Party Number Three, 
following next, set fire to the ties, heated the rails, and twisted them 
until they were unserviceable. 

In bending a heated rail a clamp and lever were attached to each 
end. By forcing the lever bars in opposite directions the red hot rail 
was twisted until even a rolling mill could not fit it for further use. 
The clamps were made after a pattern specially devised for this 



Gbe Swentietb Corps 

purpose by Col. O. M. Poe, the chief engineer on Sherman's staff. 
A favorite method of the soldiers consisted in bending a thoroughly 
heated rail around a tree or telegraph pole, and twisting the ends 
into an " iron doughnut, " as they called it. With this systematic 
arrangement, as General Slocum states,* a thousand men would 
destroy five miles of railroad in a day. 

On this march Sherman's armies destroyed 60 miles of the Geor- 
gia Railroad between Atlanta and Madison, and 140 miles of the 
Georgia Central from Gordon to Savannah. After reaching the 
coast they tore up also 50 miles of the Gulf Railroad and 15 miles 
of the Charleston line. 

But the chief delight of the soldiers on this expedition was in 
the ample and varied supply of food brought in by the foragers. 
Besides the regular details for foraging the general orders permitted 
the men "during a halt or camp" to gather vegetables, "and to 
drive in stock in sight of their camp. " As the route for the greater 
part lay through a good farming region, untraveled before by march- 
ing armies of friend or foe, the troops had no difficulty in subsisting 
upon the country and the best that it afforded. The men lived upon 
sweet potatoes, hams, fresh pork and mutton, with turkeys and 
chickens in abundance. At every plantation along the route they 
found plenty of honey in the hive and, also, quantities of sorghum, 
a kind of molasses the Northern soldiers had not tasted before. At 
evening and at daybreak the air about the camp fires was redolent 
with savory smells, and each soldier shouldered his rifle in the morn- 
ing or lay down at night with a comfortable, satisfied feeling that he 
had seldom experienced on a march before. 

Forage was so plentiful that the artillery trains and animals in 
the wagon trains were in better condition on reaching Savannah 
than at the start. This was due in part, however, to the many 
horses and mules gathered in along the way, which took the place 
of weak or disabled teams. 

In the course of their foraging the soldiers picked up a variety 
of pet animals which they carried along in the march — a dog, cat, 
coon, goat, or diminutive donkey. But the most highly-prized 
acquisition in this line was a game cock that had good fighting 
qualities. At evening, when the cooking and eating was over, it 
was no uncommon thing to see some soldiers form a ring within 

* BatUes and Leaders. Vol. IV, p. 685. The Century Company: New York. 1888. 

S83 



Gbc twentieth Corps 

which a cocking main was held to determine the relative merits of 
the birds put forward by batteries or regiments to win the champion- 
ship of the corps. The defeated rooster was consigned to the mess 
kettle, while the victorious bird, named after some popular general, 
rode next day perched on a cannon or on the shoulder of some 
infantryman. 

The negroes, eager to enjoy their new-found freedom and exer- 
cise its rights, joined the column in throngs, old and young, men, 
women and children. From every cross road and plantation on the 
route they came until their number reached into the thousands. 
Efforts were made to turn them back and to dissuade them from 
following the trains; for their presence added to the number to be 
fed, and threatened to become a serious encumbrance in a fight. 
At some places on the road the rear guard destroyed bridges to 
cut off the large throng which was waiting to cross as soon as 
the troops went by. Despite orders to the contrary the soldiers 
encouraged the negroes to follow the column. Nearly every officer 
retained one as a servant, and each mess of the enlisted men took 
one along as a cook. Many of the able-bodied blacks were employed 
as teamsters, while large parties of them were utilized in laying 
corduroy roads, or on other fatigue duty. General Slocum, in his 
report, estimates that "at least 14,000 of these people joined " the 
Right Wing at different points on the march. But the old and 
infirm, and the women carrying children could not keep up, and not 
over 7,000 accompanied Slocum's army when it reached Savannah. 

The Twentieth Corps entered Milledgeville November twenty- 
third, Carman's Brigade having the lead. The band played the 
good old Sunday school tune of "Marching Along," — a popular 
melody at that time, — flags were unfurled, the ranks closed up, and 
the men moved through the streets with the easy swing so charac- 
teristic of veteran troops. In a few minutes the flag of the One 
Hundred and Seventh New York was flying from the dome of the 
State Capitol, greeted by the cheers of the soldiers and the strains 
of the National anthem by the bands. Slocum appointed Colonel 
Hawley, Third Wisconsin, post-commandant, and his regiment 
was detailed as provost-guard of the city. General Sherman occu- 
pied the executive mansion, just deserted by Governor Brown; 
General Slocum, with his staff, established headquarters at the 
Milledgeville Hotel. 

284 



Gbe ftwenttetb Corpe 

The Georgia Legislature adjourned that day with unfinished 
business on its calendar. But its seats were soon occupied by a jolly 
crowd of officers from Slocum's army. They may have lacked the 
dignity and impressive demeanor of the Southern law makers, but 
they despatched business and passed important bills at a rapid rate 
during their short session. General Robinson (Third Brigade, First 
Division) was chosen Speaker, and Col. " Hi " Rogers, of Slocum's 
staff, Clerk of the Assembly. A sergeant-at-arms was appointed 
who did his best to maintain disorder. The Speaker announced a 
committee on Federal Relations — Colonels Cogswell, Carman, 
Zulich, Thompson, Watkins, and Ewing — which retired to a com- 
mittee room. Bryant, the historian of the Third Wisconsin, 
says that ' ' the sounds of song and laughter that came from that 
room testified to the zeal of the occupants ; ' ' and that ' ' there were 
evidently refreshments " in that committee room. 

During the course of the session some good speeches were made, 
brilliant and witty ; and there was a display of mock gravity, inter- 
mingled with " points of order," " Will the gentleman allow me ? " 
etc., to all of which there were bright repartees. General Kilpatrick 
made the speech of the occasion. When a point of order was raised 
that he should treat the Speaker before continuing his remarks the 
doughty general declared the point well taken, and drawing a flask 
from his pocket took a long drink amid the applause of the House. 

The Committee on Federal Relations reported a bill declaring 
that the ordinance of secession was injudicious, indiscreet, and should 
be repealed, which was duly passed by a satisfactory vote. The fun 
becoming fast and furious some of the members rushed into the hall 
shouting, "The Yankees are coming," whereupon the Legislature 
adjourned in well-simulated fright and with frantic confusion. Gen- 
eral Sherman says in his Memoirs that he " was not present at this 
frolic, but heard of it at the time and enjoyed the joke. " And this 
was one of the ways Slocum's men enjoyed themselves as they went 
marching through Georgia. 

In wandering through the deserted State House some of the 
soldiers discovered a large amount of unsigned paper money, or 
Georgia State scrip, an issue authorized by law and a legal tender. 
They confiscated it, and although it was absolutely worthless they 
managed to get some fun out of it. They did not need it to buy 
supplies ; for they took everything they wanted without thought of 

285 



Ebc Gwentietb Corps 

payment. So they used it in their poker games, as it was cheaper 
than the grains of coffee or corn which they had been using for chips. 
It enabled reckless players to waive the limit and do some of the 
heaviest betting on record. 

The halt of the Twentieth Corps at Milledgeville was short; 
but it was long enough to enable the Georgia statesman who pre- 
dicted that grass would grow in the streets of Boston if the South 
seceded to realize his error. The State Arsenal with its contents was 
burned, except the powder and ammunition, which was thrown into 
the river. About 1,500 pounds of tobacco was confiscated by order 
of Colonel Hawley and distributed among the troops. 

The column resumed its march November twenty-fourth and 
crossing the Oconee River moved southeast in the direction of 
Sandersville. The roads were good as far as Buffalo Swamp, where 
the bridges — nine of them — had been destroyed by Wheeler's 
cavalry. The advance of the Twentieth Corps reached Sandersville 
on the twenty-sixth, with the First Division in the lead that day. 
Kilpatrick's mounted troops, supported by the skirmishers of the 
Second Brigade, drove the Confederate cavalry through the town 
and some distance beyond. There were losses on both sides; and 
a regimental historian mentions "a dead Confederate whose body 
lay on the steps of a church." 

The First and Second Divisions reached the Georgia Central 
Railroad November twenty-seventh, at Tennille Station. A day 
was spent here in tearing up the track, burning the ties and 
sleepers, and twisting the heated rails until they were unservice- 
able. The line was destroyed to within six miles of Davisborough. 

Crossing the Ogeechee River and its adjoining swamps, the corps 
passed through Louisville on December first. The next day the 
men marched by the empty prison pen at Millen, where 8,000 Union 
prisoners had been confined. Kilpatrick tried to reach this place in 
time to liberate them, but the Confederates succeeded in transferring 
the unfortunate men before they could be rescued. On a plantation 
near by lay the dead bodies of some bloodhounds, such as were used 
to track fugitive slaves and escaping prisoners. The soldiers had shot 
the dogs and then fired the buildings on the plantation where these 
beasts were found. The handsome railroad building at Millen Sta- 
tion was also burned. 

Between Millen and Savannah the route lay for several days 

J86 



£be {Twentieth Corpe 

through a grand forest of tall pines. As there was little or no under- 
brush in these woods, the men marched beneath the trees, over 
ground thickly strewn with the fallen needles, allowing the trains a 
free use of the road. The nightly bivouac in these primeval forests 
afforded interesting and picturesque scenes. Great campfires of 
resinous wood were blazing everywhere, throwing a ruddy glare on 
the faces of the soldiers gathered round them, and bringing out in 
bold relief the outlines of wagons, cannons, or teams, while the dark 
recesses of the forest seemed blacker than ever by the contrast. 
Above each fire a dense column of pitchy smoke rose to the tree 
tops, intermingled with whirling sparks that gave a fine display of 
fireworks, while to the usual appetizing odors at supper time was 
added the pleasant, aromatic smell of the burning pine knots. When 
the rear division, belated as usual, came along to take its place in 
front, it was escorted through the dark woods by men carrying 
flaming brands of pitch pine, a sight suggestive of a torch light 
procession in a political campaign. 

Monteith Swamp, fifteen miles from Savannah, was reached 
December ninth by the Twentieth Corps. The enemy had 
obstructed the road across the swamp by felling trees across the way, 
and had constructed two redoubts on the opposite side in which 
cannon were mounted to command the highway. The First Division 
attacked promptly — Selfridge's Brigade in front, Carman's on the 
right, and Robinson's on the left. Advancing under a fire of artil- 
lery and musketry, the First and Second Brigades waded through 
the swamp and prepared for an assault. In the meantime the Third 
Brigade (Robinson's), having reached dry ground, charged forward 
and captured the redoubt. The flags of the Thirty-first Wisconsin 
and Sixty-first Ohio were the first ones planted on the enemy's 
works. 

The next day, December tenth, the Twentieth Corps pushed 
forward until it reached the four-mile post on the Georgia Central 
Railroad, where its advance was forced to halt by the defenses of 
Savannah. The corps went into position immediately, with its left 
resting on the Savannah River and its right on the railroad, where 
it connected with the Fourteenth Corps, which was also a part of 
Slocum's army. 

W7 



Zbc {Twentieth Corp0 



Sieoc of Savannab. 

The march to the sea having ended, Slocum's two corps occu- 
pied a line in front of the defenses of Savannah — the Twentieth 
on the left, the Fourteenth on the right. Howard's troops — Army 
of the Tennessee — connected with Slocum's right, and extended 
the line of investment southward to the Ogeechee River. The 
Twentieth Corps held that portion of the front between the 
Savannah River and the Georgia Central Railroad, with Jackson's 
(First) Division in the centre, Geary's on the left, and Ward's on 
the right. The siege of Savannah commenced, December tenth, 
with the arrival of Sherman's forces at the coast. Slocum ordered 
intrenchments thrown up at available points along the front, artillery 
was placed in position, and preparations were made for carrying the 
enemy's works by assault. 

The city of Savannah was held at this time by about 11,000 
troops under command of Lieutenant-General Hardee. One of his 
divisions was commanded by General McLaws, of Gettysburg fame, 
who had won distinction under Lee in Virginia and JLongstreet at 
Chickamauga. The defenses of the city consisted of a chain of 
earthworks and redoubts, fully supplied with guns of heavy calibre. 
This line of fortifications followed the shores of two swampy creeks, 
one of which emptied into the Savannah River, the other into the 
Little Ogeechee. These streams afforded a strong line of defence, as 
the adjoining country was marshy, or composed of rice fields, most 
of which were covered by water. The swamps and flooded lands 
were traversed by three narrow causeways and two railroad embank- 
ments, which were commanded by the artillery in the Confederate 
forts. As the preparations for the assault would require considerable 
time, Sherman instructed his two army commanders to invest the 
city closely on the north and west, while he proceeded to open 
communications with the Federal fleet in Ossabaw Sound. 

Slocum placed some of his field artillery on the south bank of the 
Savannah River where its guns commanded the channel effectively, 
and prevented any boats from passing up or down. On the tenth a 
detachment from the One Hundred and Fiftieth New York, under 
Capt. Henry A. Gildersleeve, captured the Confederate despatch 
boat Ida, and with it Colonel Clinch of General Hardee's staff, a 

286 



Gbe Swenttetb Corps 

bearer of despatches. On the approach of the enemy's gunboats 
the steamer was burned. 

On the twelfth two Confederate gunboats, the Macon and Samp- 
son, accompanied by the steamer Resolute, attempted to pass down 
the river to the city. Winegar's Battery (I, First New York) 
opened fire on them with its 3-inch rifles, and although the gunboats 
were armed with rifled cannon of greater calibre they were driven 
back. The Resolute was crippled during the engagement, after 
which it ran aground on Argyle Island, where it was seized by a 
company of the Third Wisconsin. The boat was soon repaired and 
transferred to the Quartermaster's Department. 

December thirteenth Fort McAllister, a large earthwork at the 
mouth of the Ogeechee River, fourteen miles south of the city, was 
successfully assaulted from the land side by Hazen's Division of the 
Fifteenth Corps. As a result communication was opened with 
Admiral Dahlgren's fleet in Ossabaw Sound, supplies for the army 
were landed, and the investment of Savannah was completed, with 
the exception of an outlet across the river on the northeast which 
was protected by the Confederate gunboats in the Savannah River. 
Dahlgren's vessels could not ascend the river to this point, because 
the channel below the city had been completely obstructed by driven 
piles and sunken cribs filled with stone. 

On December sixteenth Carman's Brigade (First Division), 
Twentieth Corps, crossed the Savannah River to Argyle Island, and 
thence on the nineteenth to the South Carolina shore, where it occu- 
pied a position on a rice plantation at Izard's Mill. The ground was 
traversed by canals, the bridges over which had been burned. The 
rice fields had been flooded, compelling the troops to advance by the 
flank along the dikes. A demonstration was made at Clydesdale 
Creek in the direction of the Savannah and Hardeeville Road, the 
only avenue of escape left to the beleagured garrison. In its occu- 
pancy of Argyle Island and points on the South Carolina shore Car- 
man's Brigade encountered opposition from Wheeler's cavalry, and 
at times was under fire from a Confederate gunboat, which inflicted 
some loss with its shells. This cavalry made a determined attack 
on the nineteenth, which was handsomely repulsed by five companies 
of the One Hundred and Seventh New York. During the skirmish- 
ing which occurred in the withdrawal of the brigade to the Georgia 
side, Col. John H. Ketcham, One Hundred and Fiftieth New 

19 289 



Gbc twentieth Corps 

York, who had rejoined his command the day before, was seriously 
wounded. 

Two regiments from Geary's Division under command of Lieut. 
Col. Allan H. Jackson, One Hundred and Thirty-fourth New York, 
occupied Hutchinson Island, a large area of land in the Savannah 
River below Argyle Island, and near the city. Every day, regu- 
larly at high tide, the Confederate gunboats steamed up Back River 
and shelled these regiments, but with little effect. 

On the seventeenth Sherman sent a letter to Hardee demanding 
the surrender of the city, annnouncing that he had " for some days 
held and controlled every avenue by which the people and garrison 
of Savannah " could be supplied, and stating further: 

Should you entertain the proposition, I am prepared to grant liberal terms 
to the inhabitants and garrison ; but should I be forced to resort to assault, or 
the slower and surer process of starvation, I shall then feel satisfied in resorting 
to the harshest measures, and shall make little effort to restrain my army. 

Hardee declined to surrender, and in his reply said : 

Your statement that you have, for some days, held and controlled every 
avenue by which the people and garrison can be supplied, is incorrect. I am 
in free and constant communication with my department. 

With respect to the threats in the closing paragraph of your letter (of what 
may be expected in case your demand is not complied with), I have to say that 
I have hitherto conducted the military operations intrusted to my direction in 
strict accordance with the rules of civilized warfare, and I shall deeply regret 
the adoption of any course by you that may force me to deviate from them in 
future. 

In his claim that the investment of the city was still incomplete, 
and that he was in free and constant communication with his depart- 
ment, Hardee referred to the Union Causeway or Charleston Road, 
on the northeast of the city which was still open and afforded, at 
least, an avenue of escape. General Slocum, who had already 
established some of his troops on Argyle and Hutchinson Islands 
above the city, wanted to transfer one of his corps to the South 
Carolina side of the river and, by placing it across the Charleston 
Road, prevent the escape of the garrison. But General Sherman 
preferred instead to secure the co-operation of a division from Gen- 
eral Foster's army at Beaufort to effect this purpose. To this end, 
Sherman made a journey to Hilton Head, leaving orders with 

290 



Gbe Gwentietb Corps 

Slocum and Howard to make all possible preparations for an assault, 
but not to attack during his absence. General Foster promptly 
agreed to render the desired assistance. But it was too late. When 
Sherman returned to Savannah on the twenty-second he found that 
Hardee with his entire command had escaped. 

In the meantime General Slocum pressed his siege operations 
vigorously, although the enemy kept up a steady fire from its artil- 
lery and vedettes. Lieut. Charles A. Ahreets (One Hundred and 
Thirty-fourth New York), Assistant Inspector General of the corps, 
while reconnoitering the lines was killed by a shot from a party of 
sharpshooters who occupied the upper story of a house near their 
outer forts. 

Until the capture of Fort McAllister enabled Admiral Dahlgren 
to send vessels up the Ogeechee there was a scarcity of bread rations, 
although there was plenty of fresh beef and coffee. But large 
quantities of rice were gathered from the plantations in the vicinity 
of the camps, the rice mills were kept at work, and the soldiers 
reconciled themselves as best they could to this change in their daily 
bill of fare. 

By the seventeenth Geary's men had constructed forts and 
parallels within 250 yards of the enemy's works, and on the nine- 
teenth General Williams held a conference with his division and 
brigade commanders in order to formulate plans for a storming 
column as soon as his heavy guns were ready to open fire. A large 
number of fascines made of straw, and some of cane, were in readi- 
ness for the contemplated assault, to be used in filling the ditches in 
front of the Confederate parapets and for bridging the canals. 

But Hardee's engineers, under cover of their ironclads, laid a 
pontoon bridge from Savannah to the South Carolina side of the 
river, and during the night of December twentieth the movement of 
troops and wagons across this bridge was plainly heard by the troops 
in Geary's Division and on Argyle Island. While this was going 
on the artillery in the Confederate forts kept up a heavy fire until 
midnight, when it ceased. Suspecting an evacuation Geary ordered 
his pickets forward, and the skirmishers of the One Hundred and 
Forty-ninth New York soon entered the deserted works. Geary's 
Division, with Barnum's Brigade and the One Hundred and Second 
New York in the lead, moved along the Augusta road in the dark- 
ness of a moonless night and entered Savannah at four-thirty a. m. 

291 



Ebe twentieth Corps 

On reaching the city limits the column was met by the mayor and 
a delegation of citizens bearing a flag of truce, from whom General 
Geary received in the name of his commanding general the formal 
surrender of the place. 

With cheers and songs the White Star veterans marched down 
West Broad and Bay streets to the City Hall, and at sunrise the 
flags of the Third Brigade were flying from the balcony of the build- 
ing. General Geary was appointed Military Governor of Savannah, 
and Colonel Barnum was designated by him as provost marshal of 
the western half of the city. 

The Twenty-eighth Pennsylvania and Twenty-ninth Ohio of 
Pardee's (First) Brigade were ordered to take possession of Fort 
Jackson, which was done without encountering resistance. But 
when they raised the National colors on the fort the Confederate 
ironclad Savannah threw several shells in that direction. The other 
gunboats had been burned before the evacuation, and at night the 
Savannah was abandoned and destroyed also. 

Generals Sherman and Slocum established their headquarters in 
the city, but aside from Geary's Division, the troops remained out- 
side in their encampments. In its march from Atlanta to the coast 
the army had encountered no serious opposition until reaching 
Savannah; and as the Confederates evacuated the city before the 
contemplated assault was ordered the casualties during the siege 
were few. 

The losses in Slocum 's army during the entire campaign, includ- 
ing both the march from Atlanta and the siege of Savannah, were : 



CORPS. 


Killed. 


Wounded. 


Missing. 


Aggregate. 


Fourteenth - 
Twentieth - 


13 
12 


30 

88 


94 
165 


137 
265 


Total - 


25 


118 


259 


402 



Savannah was a rich prize. There were 31,000 bales of cotton 
in its warehouses, and over 250 cannon, mostly sea coast guns of 
large calibre, in its forts. 

The stay of the soldiers at Savannah was a pleasant one. But 
little duty was required of them, as it was deemed advisable to give 

292 



Gbe Cwenttetb Corps 

them every opportunity to rest and prepare for the longer and more 
arduous campaign which was to follow. The Twentieth Corps was 
reviewed by Generals Sherman and Slocum, the regiments marching 
into the city for this purpose and passing the reviewing stand, which 
was located on one of the principal streets in front of the City 
Exchange. The brigade in Geary's Division, on duty in the city, 
held dress parades each evening, which attracted large crowds of 
people who were interested in listening to the music of the brigade 
bands and seeing these well-drilled veterans go through the manual 
of arms. 

The soldiers in the other two divisions of the Twentieth Corps, 
which were encamped outside, were granted passes freely to go into 
the city, where they enjoyed themselves in strolling about the wide, 
beautiful streets, and talking with the citizens, who as a general rule 
were courteous and pleasant in their intercourse with the troops. 
The Pulaski monument was a great attraction, and the Northern 
soldiers, most of them just out of school, evinced an intelligent 
interest in the historic events of the Revolution with which the place 
was associated. On Sundays the sound of the church bells revived 
the religious feelings of the men, including thoughts of home and 
scenes of peaceful life. The churches were thronged with soldiers 
at each service, and the congregations at times were composed 
almost entirely of uniformed men. 

The large amount of mail matter which had been held on the 
fleet while awaiting Sherman's arrival was delivered, and so con- 
siderable time was spent in letter writing. The paymasters having 
appeared the men indulged in frequent visits to the city, where they 
patronized the restaurants and hotels freely, and had a good time 
generally. But Richmond, not Savannah, was their destination, 
and after a month's rest, there were signs of preparation for another 
move, indications that the veteran soldier easily interpreted. 

Cbe Campaign of tbc Caroltnas. 

Historians have not accorded the space to Sherman's operations 
in the Carolinas which that campaign would warrant. The march 
to the sea has been celebrated in story and song until it has diverted 
attention from the greater strategic movements and successful fight- 
ing in this final epoch of the war. Sherman says that in relative 

993 



£bc ftwentlctb Corps 

importance the campaign in the Carolinas was to the march through 
Georgia as ten to one. 

Owing to the extraordinary high water in the Savannah River 
and the overflowing of the surrounding lowlands, the start northward 
was delayed several days beyond the date contemplated. In the 
general plan of the movement Slocum's army was to keep to the 
left and west, threatening Augusta, while the Right Wing moved 
by an easterly route in the direction of Charleston. But Sherman's 
intentions did not include either city in his line of march. He 
merely made a feint in the direction of each, compelling the Con- 
federates to divide their forces in an effort to defend both places, to 
the possession of which they attached an undue importance in view 
of the circumstances. When the real object of the invading army 
became apparent the hostile armies had intervened, and it was too 
late to unite their slender forces in time to intercept them or take 
up a defensive position at any of the broad rivers that crossed the 
route. 

General Sherman's forces on the Carolina campaign numbered 
at the start 60,079, effective strength, infantry, cavalry and artil- 
lery. The Twentieth Corps at this time reported 13,434, present 
for duty. 

General Slocum turned over the command of the city of 
Savannah to General Foster, and Geary's Division was relieved, 
January 19, 1865, by Grover's Division of the Nineteenth Corps. 
The two other divisions of the Twentieth Corps had crossed into 
South Carolina and were encamped at Purysburg and Hardeeville. 
Geary remained in Savannah until the twenty-seventh, when he 
moved his command up the Georgia side of the river thirty-five 
miles to Sister's Ferry, the Fourteenth Corps having preceded him 
to this place. The swollen river and flooded lands prevented a 
crossing as ordered; but the water having subsided sufficiently 
Geary's Division crossed, February fourth, and marched to Roberts- 
ville, S. C. The First and Third Divisions of the Twentieth Corps 
had occupied this place on the twenty-ninth and encamped there 
four days. 

The Right Wing left Savannah, January sixth, and proceeded 
by water transportation to Beaufort, S. C, and thence a few miles 
inland to Pocotaligo, on the Savannah and Charleston Railroad, 
where these forces awaited the movement of the Left Wing, a part 

294 



£be Gwentietb Corps 

of which was delayed at Sister's Ferry. For this reason the march 
through the Carolinas did not actually commence until February 
first, by which time all of Sherman's columns were in motion. 

Before starting on this campaign, or while it was in progress, 
some changes occurred in the roster of the Twentieth Corps. 
Cols. William Hawley (Third Wisconsin), William Cogswell 
(Second Massachusetts), James L. Selfridge (Forty-sixth Pennsyl- 
vania), Ario Pardee, Jr. (Twenty-eighth Pennsylvania), Henry A. 
Barnum (One Hundred and Forty-ninth New York), Daniel Dustin 
(One Hundred and Fifth Illinois), and Benjamin Harrison (Seven- 
tieth Indiana) were each brevetted brigadier-general in recognition 
of long service and conspicuous gallantry on many fields. Some- 
thing of the kind became necessary, for in the previous distribution 
of commissions to newly-made brigadiers none came to the Twenti- 
eth Corps. As a result, eight of its nine brigades were commanded 
by colonels. The recipients naturally wondered, in view of their 
long and meritorious service, why their commissions did not confer 
full rank as brigadier like those issued at Atlanta and Savannah to 
colonels in other corps, but wisely refrained from any comment at 
the time. General Williams, commanding the corps, and the three 
division generals — Jackson, Geary and Ward — were brevetted 
major-generals, also, in order that their rank might better correspond 
to the command they held. And, yet, there were no two men in 
all the Union armies who were better entitled to the full rank of 
major-general than Williams and Geary. 

General Hawley succeeded Colonel Carman* in command of the 
Second Brigade, First Division, and General Cogswell was trans- 
ferred to the Third Brigade, Third Division, the others remaining 
in command of their respective brigades as before. Some of these 
appointments were received while in Savannah, the others while on 
the following campaign. 

The route traveled by the Twentieth Corps in the campaign of 
the Carolinas — February 1 to April 13, 1865 — was from Roberts- 
ville by way of Lawtonville, Blackville, Allendale, Buford's Bridge, 
Big and Little Salkehatchie Rivers, Graham's Station, Duncan's 
Bridge, South and North Forks of Edisto River, Jones's Cross 
Roads, Columbia Cross Roads, Lexington, Saluda River, Oakville, 
Broad and Little Rivers, Winnsborough, Catawba River, Hanging 

* Colonel Carman, who was on a leave of absence at this time, was brevetted subsequently. 

295 



Gbe {Twentieth Corpe 

Rock, Chesterfield Court House, Great Pedee River, and Cheraw, 
in South Carolina; and by way of Fayetteville, Cape Fear River, 
Averasborough, Black River, Bentonville, Neuse River, Golds- 
borough, Smithfield, Moccasin Creek, and Swift Creek, to Raleigh, 
in North Carolina, where the campaign ended, the war being over. 
During the march General Slocum was obliged to fight a pitched 
battle with General Hardee's forces at Averasborough, and another 
general engagement with Gen. Jos. E. Johnston's army at Benton- 
ville, fuller mention of which is made farther on. 

The distance traveled, from Savannah to Raleigh, was 527 
miles. It was the rainy season in that part of the South, and there 
was much inclement weather. Including the day on which the 
First Division crossed the Savannah and moved towards Purysburg, 
the march from Savannah to Goldsborough lasted sixty-seven days, 
in twenty-one of which it rained.* The average distance covered 
each marching day was ten and one-third miles. Owing to the 
frequent rains the roads were in wretched condition, and were 
rendered still worse by the passage of the long wagon trains. The 
infantry, except when in the advance or rear guard, habitually 
marched alongside of the trains, giving them the road. 

The floods in the rivers overflowed their banks, and the swamps 
were full of water which, in places, covered and concealed every 
vestige of the roadway. The pontoon trains were long enough to 
span any stream on the route ; but after a bridge was laid it often 
happened that the men had to wade through water a long distance in 
order to reach it. 

In places where the enemy disputed the crossing of a swamp or 
stream, the skirmishers in advancing to the attack were obliged to 
pass through water waist deep, with cartridge boxes hung around 
their necks to keep their powder dry. Bryant, t in describing the 
passage of the Salkehatchie, says that the Confederate cavalry had 
gathered on the north side to keep the Yankees in the swamp, ' ' but 
by swimming, wading, wallowing, the drenched and muddy veterans 
emerged like hippopotami from the depths of ooze and brushed away 
the enemy." At Rivers's Bridge, farther down the stream, the 
Seventeenth Corps had a sharp fight in which it lost eighty-two 
killed or wounded. 

From Savannah to Goldsborough the trains of the Twentieth 

• General Williams's Report. t History of the Third Wisconsin. 

29t> 



Gbe Gwentletb Corps 

Corps moved 456 miles, as recorded by the odometers, three-fifths of 
which had to be corduroyed. In addition to this arduous task and 
the labor of lifting wagons that were mired or overturned, the men 
in the Twentieth destroyed thirty-two miles of railroad along their 
route. At the beginning of the war such a campaign would have 
been deemed impossible. But every difficulty was faced with 
undaunted spirit and every obstacle was quickly overcome. Then, 
again, there were days when the weather was fine, roads good, and 
marching pleasant, the bivouac at night recalling the experiences 
of the march from Atlanta to the sea. 

From the Savannah River to the North Edisto the route trav- 
ersed parts of the Beaufort and Barnwell districts, which are among 
the wealthiest in the State. Foraging here was good. But between 
the North Edisto and Saluda Rivers lay a stretch of barren, sandy 
country, inhabited by "poor whites," and while passing through 
this region the foragers often returned to camp at night without even 
a pound of corn meal. From the Saluda on conditions improved 
in this respect, and full rations were the rule again. 

In South Carolina the column passed through places where some 
of the minor conflicts of the Revolution occurred, and the soldiers 
discussed, so far as they could remember their school histories, the 
campaigns of Marion and Sumter, Gates and Greene, Cornwallis 
and Tarleton. 

Charleston was not included in the route of the army. Block- 
aded at sea, its railroad communications were now cut, and the citi- 
zens found it difficult to obtain supplies. Aside from a matter of 
sentiment the place had ceased to be of importance to either army. 
General Hardee evacuated the city February eighteenth, and 
hastened northward with his slender forces to oppose, so far as he 
could, the onward march of Sherman's armies. 

February sixteenth, the Twentieth Corps passed within three 
miles of Columbia. Slocum's army did not cross the Congaree 
River, but kept to the west and northward in its march. At night 
the sky was illuminated by the glare from the burning city, but as 
none of the Twentieth Corps entered the place the story of that sad 
event and the persons to blame does not come within the province 
of this narrative. 

Cheraw, S. C, was reached on March sixth, the corps passing 
through the town with bands playing, men in step, and each regi- 

297 



Gbe {Twentieth Corps 

ment marching in column by division. On the previous day a heavy 
explosion of captured ammunition occurred at Cheraw, which was 
heard for many miles around. Among the stores seized and ordered 
destroyed were 3,000 barrels of gunpowder, which were carted to a 
ravine outside the town and dumped there. Enough of it leaked 
out along the way to form a train which was ignited by a thought- 
less soldier, when it flashed along the ground and exploded the entire 
mass. Another account says the accident was due to the careless 
handling of a percussion shell. Several lives were lost, and scarcely 
a whole pane of glass was left in Cheraw. 

The corps arrived March eleventh at Fayetteville, N. C, on the 
Cape Fear River, an attractive place of about 5,000 inhabitants. 
The official diary kept at corps headquarters describes the weather 
at the time as " good and warm." After the cold storms and the 
marches through mud and water, the soft, mild air of the early 
southern spring was grateful and invigorating. On Sunday, the 
twelfth, the whistle of an approaching steamer — a tug boat flying 
the National Flag — aroused the camps, and its progress up the 
stream could be traced by the cheering of the men along the shore. 
The boat came from Wilmington, bringing news from the outside 
world, the first in six weeks, and enabled the soldiers to send letters 
home. It returned at evening carrying a large mail and some of 
the refugees who had followed the army from Columbia and other 
points. What was more important, it bore despatches from Sher- 
man to General Grant informing the latter of the successful progress 
of the army thus far. 

The large and handsome arsenal, the property of the United 
States, together with other buildings occupied by the Confederacy 
were fired and the walls battered down. On the thirteenth the 
Twentieth Corps entered Fayetteville, each regiment with com- 
panies equalized for a review. On reaching the main street the 
order was given — " By companies into line," flags were unfurled, 
the bands and drum corps beat off, the men fell into their old time 
swinging step, and passed under the scrutinizing eyes of Generals 
Sherman and Slocum, the fine marching of the crack regiments 
eliciting applause from the crowd of spectators gathered about the 
reviewing stand. Keeping on through the town, the troops crossed 
the Cape Fear River on a pontoon bridge and pushed on to their 
place of bivouac. 

898 



£be ^wentietb Corps 

When the great pineries of North Carolina were reached, the 
attention of the soldiers was attracted by the trees that had been 
scraped and boxed for gathering turpentine. Some of these great 
pines, dripping with pitch, were set on fire for the fun of the thing. 
The surrounding forest was soon a roaring mass of flame. The 
troops had to march on roads bordered with blazing trees, which 
at night were a grand and, at times, an appalling sight. Traveling 
through the scorching heat and dense volumes of black, sooty 
smoke, the men emerged in safety, but with faces and hands so 
begrimed that they looked like the troops of African descent. On 
March seventh, the day the troops crossed the North Carolina line, 
some "bummers" burned the resin and turpentine works of a 
Mr. Green. The buildings contained, as then reported, over 2,000 
barrels of this material, making a huge bonfire that delighted the 
marauders greatly. 

On leaving Savannah the wagon trains carried rations for twenty, 
and forage for seven, days. As it was impossible to carry enough for 
so long a march, foraging was an imperative necessity for the 
success of the campaign. In accordance with the rules of war the 
army had to subsist on the country. In each regiment a detail of 
fifty picked men, under command of a commissioned officer, was 
made for this purpose. Later on brigade details were substituted. 
If a soldier was guilty of pillaging, or found with any article in 
his possession other than food or necessary supplies, he was sent 
back to his regiment and there placed under arrest; at least 
these were the orders issued in the Twentieth Corps. With the 
exception of a few days when the column was passing through a 
wooded region or poor agricultural country, the supplies brought 
in by these regular foraging parties were ample for the subsistence 
of the troops. Had the gathering of supplies in the various corps 
been confined to the operations of the regular details, the brilliant 
success of the campaign would not have been marred by the stories 
of pillaging, looting, and house burning, which were only too true. 

On February 7, 1865, General Wheeler sent a letter to General 
Howard in which he made the following proposition : 

I have the honor to propose that if the troops of your command be required 
to discontinue burning the houses of our citizens I will discontinue burning cot- 
ton. I trust that you will not deem it improper for me to ask that you will 
require the troops under your command to discontinue the wanton destruction 
of property not necessary to their sustenance. 

299 



£bc ftwenttetb Corps 

Sherman relieved Howard from the responsibility of a reply, and 
sent, over his own name, the following answer to Wheeler: 

Yours addressed to General Howard is received by me. I hope you will 
burn all cotton and save us the trouble. We don't want it, and it has proven 
a curse to our country. All you don't burn I will. As to private houses 
occupied by peaceful families, my orders are not to molest or disturb them, 
and I think my orders are obeyed. Vacant houses being of no use to anybody, 
I care little about, as the owners have thought them of no use to themselves. 
I don't want them destroyed, but do not take much care to preserve them.* 

In justice to the men of the Twentieth Corps it should be said 
that they gave but little cause for complaint. The veterans in the 
command from the Army of the Potomac remained true to the 
high standard of morale and discipline which characterized them in 
Virginia, and the new accessions to the corps observed the stringent 
orders regulating foraging, issued by General Williams. For 
obtaining subsistence and supplies regular details were made in each 
division, t in equal proportion from each regiment, "composed of 
the best soldiers in the command." The force thus formed in each 
brigade was placed under command of one of its best officers, with 
a proper number of lieutenants. The soldiers mounted themselves 
on horses captured from the country, which were subsequently 
turned in to the quartermaster. The strictest orders were given 
forbidding the men to pillage and requiring them to confine their 
foraging to supplies and articles necessary for the troops. The 
officers commanding them were held responsible for the enforce- 
ment of these orders and for keeping their men well in hand. 
Whenever one of the detail was detected in an unsoldierly act he 
was dismounted and sent back to the ranks under arrest. 

At times it was difficult to restrain men in the corps column from 
wandering away to forage or pillage on their own account, when 
they saw it going on elsewhere, unrestrained and unpunished. Doubt- 
less, there were cases in which, despite the orders and restrictions, 
some individuals were guilty of lawless acts. But, as a whole, the 
Twentieth Corps maintained an unsullied record on these campaigns. 

Mention should be made of the fact that many of* the gallant 
generals in other corps entered written protests, and endeavored faith- 

* Official Records, Vol. XLVII, Part II, p. 342. 

tSee General Geary's report Official Records, Vol. XLVII, Part I, p. 697. 
300 



£be {Twentieth Corps 

fully to bring about a more honorable condition of affairs. But in 
the lack of concerted action their efforts were of little avail. General 
Geary expressed himself in his official report as "satisfied that if a 
uniform system of discipline and organization among foraging details 
throughout the army were rendered imperative, these abuses could 
be prevented." But the efforts of the generals received little sup- 
port in quarters where they had a right to expect it. 

There was more fighting during the movement through the 
Carolinas than on the March to the Sea. Aside from the general 
engagements at Averasborough and Bentonville there were several 
minor affairs — places where the enemy disputed the crossing of 
streams, or resisted the occupation of the larger towns — in which 
the aggregate of casualties was large. 

In addition to Wheeler's cavalry, the Confederates had the 
services of two brigades of mounted troops under Gen. Wade 
Hampton, who had been detached from Lee's army. In fact, Kil- 
patrick was largely outnumbered in his arm of the service, and it 
was only by the greatest activity that he covered the left flank of 
Slocum's army and screened its movements from the observation of 
the enemy. 

The infantry skirmishers of the Twentieth Corps encountered 
opposition at the very beginning of the march through South 
Carolina. At Robertsville, January twenty-ninth, the Third Wis- 
consin (First Division), being in the lead that day, had a sharp fight 
in which they worsted their opponents and drove them through the 
town. The losses in the Third Wisconsin in this affair were slight. 

Eight miles beyond Robertsville, at Trowell's Farm, Geary's 
troops found the dead bodies of three Union soldiers, who, as repre- 
sented, had been captured by a party of Wheeler's cavalry and shot 
in cold blood. As Trowell was implicated in this outrage — had 
pointed the unfortunate men out to the cavalrymen — his buildings 
were burned and he was taken prisoner to await trial as an accessory 
to the murder. 

At Lawtonville, February second, Ward's Division met the 
enemy one mile from the town, barricaded behind a swamp and with 
artillery in position. Deploying two of his brigades Ward pushed 
forward two regiments — One Hundred and Fifth and One Hundred 
and Twenty-ninth Illinois — and four companies of the Seventieth 
Indiana, which dislodged the Confederates. Ward's regiments lost 

301 



ftbc Gwentlctb Corps 

fourteen killed or wounded in this affair. The retreating enemy left 
several of their dead and wounded hehind. 

Geary's Division reached the North Edisto River, February 
twelfth, at Jeffcoat's Bridge where another brisk fight occurred, in 
which Pardee's Brigade lost three killed and thirteen wounded. Col. 
John Flynn, Twenty-eighth Pennsylvania, was wounded here. On 
February fifteenth there was lively skirmishing at Congaree Creek, 
after which Barnum's Brigade, of Geary's Division, drove the Con- 
federate cavalrymen past Lexington and occupied the town. 

March second, Selfridge's Brigade, of Jackson's (First) Division, 
met a party of the enemy, about three p. m. , one mile south of 
Chesterfield. The Fifth Connecticut and One Hundred and Forty- 
first New York deployed as skirmishers, drove them through the 
town on the double-quick, and pursued as far as Thompson's Creek, 
arriving in time to save the bridge which had been fired. Major 
Reynolds, chief of artillery, Twentieth Corps, placed a battery in 
position which soon silenced the fire of the enemy's artillery. A 
few casualties occurred in the Fifth Connecticut. From the state- 
ments of prisoners it appeared that Selfridge was confronted here 
by a brigade of infantry and a strong force of cavalry. 

On March eighth a detail of foragers from the One Hundred 
and Seventh New York, First Division, met a large party of the 
enemy near Solemn Grove, N. C. As the Confederates were dressed 
in Federal uniform they were enabled to surround the foragers 
before the latter unslung their rifles. Lieut. Whitehorne, in com- 
mand of the detail, refused to surrender, and was cut down by a 
blow from a cavalry sabre. Maj. Charles J. Fox and Adjutant 
Benedict of the One Hundred and Seventh, who were riding with 
the party at this time, drew their sabres, put spurs to their horses, 
dashed through the enemy's line, ran the gauntlet of their fire, and 
after a horse race of several miles with their pursuers, reached camp 
in safety. In this affair the regiment lost one officer and twenty- 
two men, killed, wounded and captured. 

On March fourteenth four regiments of the Third Division, under 
General Cogswell, made a successful reconnaissance toward Black 
River, N. C. , and three regiments under Lieutenant-Colonel Bucking- 
ham, Twentieth Connecticut, toward Silver Run, in which the enemy 
was encountered in strong force. In the fighting which occurred 
some losses were sustained, principally in the Fifty-fifth Ohio. 

302 



Gbe ftwentletb Corps 
Hverasborougb. 

The campaign had now progressed so far that some serious resist- 
ance from the concentrated forces of the enemy was expected daily. 
The Confederates, aware that either Raleigh or Goldsborough was 
the objective point of Sherman's armies, were gathering in strong 
force to intercept Slocum's movements in this direction. 

On leaving Fayetteville Slocum was instructed to move a strong 
column on the road to Averasborough. From the known position 
of the enemy any serious attack would have to come from the west 
and against the Left Wing. Slocum accordingly marched four 
divisions — two from each corps — along this road, accompanied by 
no more ammunition wagons than were absolutely necessary, while 
the remaining division of each corps, with the wagon trains, took 
an interior and safer route farther east. 

General Hardee, with a small army composed of the Confederate 
garrisons from Savannah and Charleston, occupied an intrenched 
position across the narrow peninsula formed by the Cape Fear and 
Black Rivers, where he covered the roads leading to Averasborough, 
Raleigh and Smithfield. Here he expected to check Slocum's 
advance, or delay him while other preparations were made for a gen- 
eral engagement. Gen. Joseph E. Johnston had been restored to 
command by the Confederate government, despite the protest of 
President Davis. He had collected the scattered remnants of 
Hood's army, and, with other forces placed at his disposal, was 
effecting a concentration at Smithfield. 

On the night of March fifteenth the corps was in bivouac at 
Bluff Church near Silver Run. General Slocum directed Williams 
to advance a brigade to the support of Kilpatrick's cavalry which 
had discovered the enemy in force. Williams ordered Hawley's 
Brigade of his old division forward on this duty, a night march 
over the muddiest of roads. The next morning — March sixteenth, 
the day of the battle — Hawley pushed forward a strong skirmish 
line and, together with Kilpatrick's dismounted cavalrymen, pressed 
forward to the line of the enemy's intrenchments. 

Williams ordered forward his two divisions and after a march of 
five miles over a bad road, part of which had to be corduroyed, 
Ward arrived on the field at nine-thirty a. m. Relieving Hawley, 
who had been fighting briskly all the morning, Ward formed his 

303 



Gbc Gwcnttctb Corps 

three brigades in line of battle across and to the left of the road. 
Jackson, with the First Division, then came up and prolonged the 
line to the right as fast as his brigades arrived on the field, relieving 
the cavalry, which then massed on the extreme right. Selfridge's 
Brigade was attacked while going into position by a strong force of 
the enemy which attempted to turn Jackson's right. But Selfridge 
repulsed the attack handsomely, and drove the Confederates back 
into their line of works. 

Slocum had now two divisions — six brigades — of the Twen- 
tieth Corps on the ground. Geary's Division was absent with the 
trains. The Fourteenth Corps of Slocum's army was several miles 
in the rear, its advance impeded by bad roads and various obstacles. 
As Hardee's force did not outnumber the two divisions of the 
Twentieth Corps greatly, Slocum decided to continue the attack 
without waiting for the rest of his command. 

Major Reynolds, coming on the field with the corps artillery, 
placed three batteries in an excellent position on a slight elevation 
within 500 yards of the works, from which his guns did effective 
service, blowing up one of the enemy's caissons and inflicting a 
severe loss among the men and horses. 

Case's Brigade, of Ward's Division, having turned the Con- 
federate right flank, charged down the line at a double-quick, an 
opportunity which was quickly seized by General Williams, who 
immediately ordered his whole line forward. The Confederates, 
attacked in front and flank, retreated, leaving two pieces of artillery 
behind. These guns were abandoned because the battery horses had 
been killed or disabled during the action. Reynolds promptly 
turned one of the captured pieces on the flying enemy and expended 
on them all the ammunition found in the chests of both guns. 

Hardee rallied his troops and attempted to make a stand on a 
second line, but without avail. He was pursued as rapidly as the 
miry nature of* the ground would permit for about a mile, where he 
was found more strongly intrenched behind a swamp with his flanks 
protected by the Black River and a small marshy creek tributary to 
the Cape Fear River. His position covered the Bentonville Road. 
The Confederate skirmishers were quickly driven into their works, 
after which Williams pushed his lines up to within a few hundred 
yards. * 

*Gen. Williams's Report. 
30* 



Gbe Swenttetb Corps 

Slocum ordered Williams to await the arrival of the Fourteenth 
Corps before assaulting the works, as the enemy evidently outnum- 
bered the two divisions in the attacking force. But the condition of 
the road was such that General Davis did not arrive on the field with 
his corps — Fourteenth — until late in the afternoon. As soon as it 
came up the advance division, Morgan's, formed on Williams's left 
and joined in the desultory fighting which was still going on. In 
the meantime a heavy rain was falling, and the assault was deferred 
until the next day. But when morning came the enemy's works 
were deserted. Hardee had fallen back to Smithfield and effected 
a junction with General Johnston. 

General Slocum's losses at the battle of Averasborough were: 





Killed. 


Wounded. 


Missing. 


Aggregate. 


Twentieth Corps 

Fourteenth Corps - 

Cavalry ----- 


56 
20 
19 


378 
96 
59 


51 
3 


485 

116 

81 


Total - 


95 


533 


54 


682 



The heaviest losses occurred in Hawley's Brigade of Jackson's 
(First) Division, and in Cogswell's Brigade of Ward's (Third) Divi- 
sion, Twentieth Corps. 

Hardee's force in this engagement consisted of the two infantry 
divisions of McLaws and Taliaferro, and Wheeler's cavalry, in 
all about 10,500, effective strength.* He made no casualty 
returns, but stated his loss as "between 400 and 500." General 
Williams reported the capture of 175 prisoners, 68 of them wounded, 
and that 128 of the Confederate dead, including 7 officers, were 
buried on the field. 

Averasborough was a minor engagement, one that has no place 
among the great historic battles of the war; but it was an important 
and creditable event in the experience of the Twentieth Corps. 

The march was resumed on the afternoon of the seventeenth, the 

* On March eighteenth General Johnston places Hardee's effective strength at 7,500, infantry 
and artillery; and in a return dated March twenty-fifth he reports Wheeler's cavalry at 3,074 
effectives. [Official Records, Vol. XLVII, Part I, p. 1054.] 

20 3° s 



£bc {Twentieth Corpa 

Third Division of the Twentieth Corps passing through Averas- 
borough, and the First Division moving as far as Black Creek, a few 
miles only. Slocum's army in making its feint on Raleigh had 
gone as far as necessary in that direction, and it was turning east- 
ward toward Goldsborough, Sherman's real objective at this stage 
of the campaign. On the eighteenth the entire Left Wing crossed 
Black River and, moving on the Bentonville Road, headed for Golds- 
borough. The two divisions of the Twentieth Corps, advancing 
beyond Mingo Creek, encamped on Lee's plantation. Although 
only twelve miles it was a wearisome march; the troops had to 
corduroy the road almost the entire distance. Still, the weather was 
good, the spring air deliciously pleasant, and the soldiers noted with 
pleasure that the peach trees were in bloom again. The next day 
— March nineteenth — the Fourteenth Corps had the lead, and soon 
the sound of cannonading ahead announced that the enemy had been 
encountered. 

Bentonville. 

Gen. Jos. E. Johnston, having been reinstated in his command 
February twenty-second, assembled an army at Smithfield and 
Raleigh, N. C, composed of Stewart's, Cheatham's and S. D. 
Lee's Corps from his old Army of the Tennessee; Hardee's Corps, 
which had just retreated from Averasborough ; Hoke's Division, 
which after fighting the battle of Kingston, N. C, had fallen 
back to Smithfield; and Wade Hampton's cavalry, composed of 
Wheeler's and Butler's Divisions. Hoke's Division was now under 
the command of Gen. Braxton Bragg. 

It is doubtful if Johnston's combined forces numbered 20,000 
effective men. The veteran divisions from the Army of the Ten- 
nessee, reduced by the hard fighting of the Atlanta campaign and 
the battles at Franklin and Nashville under Hood, were little 
more than skeletons of their former organizations. Many of the 
famous generals whose names had been associated with these com- 
mands had fallen, but their places had been filled by brave and 
competent officers ; and the brigades, though sadly weak in num- 
bers, were composed of men that had been tried in the fire of 
many battles. The Confederate chief, despite his disparity in 
numbers, hoped that by a sudden, vigorous attack upon the left 
wing of Sherman's army he could defeat and scatter it before any 
supporting column could be sent to its assistance. 

306 



£be £wentletb dorps 

On the morning of the nineteenth Slocum's army resumed its 
march with General Davis's Corps — Fourteenth — still in advance. 
Its progress was stubbornly resisted from the start. Slocum, 
trusting to statements made by escaped prisoners and deserters 
from the enemy, was under the impression that Johnston's main 
army was still at Raleigh, and that the only force in his front con- 
sisted of cavalry with a few pieces of artillery. He pressed forward 
rapidly, driving everything before him, until he reached the junc- 
tion of the Smithfield and Goldsborough roads, where he found the 
enemy in an intrenched position. He then ordered Carlin's and 
Morgan's Divisions of the Fourteenth Corps to press the enemy 
closely and force him to develop his line and strength. The troops 
then deployed, Morgan on the right and Carlin on the left. 

Slocum soon saw that he had something in his front more formid- 
able than a division of cavalry. While still in doubt, however, a 
man was brought to him who stated that he was formerly a Union 
soldier, had been taken prisoner, and while sick had been induced 
to enlist in the Confederate service. He did so with the intention 
of escaping at the first opportunity. This man informed Slocum 
that General Johnston's entire army was close by; that the Con- 
federate soldiers understood that it was 40,000 strong; and that 
they were told they were to crush one corps of Sherman's army. 
He stated further that General Johnston had ridden along his line 
that morning and had been loudly cheered by his old troops from 
the Army of the Tennessee. Just then Major Tracy of Slocum's 
staff approached and recognized in this soldier an old acquaintance 
who had entered the service with him in 1861 as a private in the 
same company.* The man's story stood the test of severe question- 
ing, and was confirmed in part by the strong opposition which was 
beginning to develop along the front of the Fourteenth Corps. 

Slocum assumed a defensive position and sent Captain Foraker t 
of his staff with a message to Sherman informing him of the situa- 
tion. Foraker had a long, hard ride over roads encumbered by 
troops and trains, and it was night before he could place the despatch 
in Sherman's hands; but it was received in time. 

As soon as it was evident that he had met the enemy in force 
Slocum ordered the Twentieth Corps forward at all possible speed 

* General Slocum's official report. 

t Hon. J. B. Foraker of Ohio, ex-Governor and United States Senator. 

30T 



Z\k {Twentieth Corpa 

to the support of the Fourteenth Corps, which was already actively 
engaged. Williams was directed to send all his wagons to the 
right, on the road taken hy the Right Wing, and to bring forward 
without delay every regiment in his command. The foragers were 
dismounted and placed in the ranks. 

Hawley's Brigade of Jackson's Division, the first troops of the 
Twentieth Corps to arrive, came on the ground about two p. m., 
and formed line at a right angle with the main road in a piece of 
woods where it joined the left of the Fourteenth Corps. Robin- 
son's Brigade, following immediately, was assigned a place between 
two brigades of Carlin's Division, where it filled a gap in the line, 
and proceeded to throw up breastworks. In the meantime a large 
body of Confederate infantry had moved past Slocum's left, and 
were within a mile of the field in which the trains of the Twentieth 
Corps were parking. Hawley was ordered to change front and 
move to the left, and two regiments of Robinson's Brigade were 
sent to reinforce him. While making this movement the enemy 
fell upon Carlin's left brigade — Buell's — and driving it back 
in confusion captured three guns of a battery in the Fourteenth 
Corps. Robinson, unable to check this overwhelming force with 
his three remaining regiments, withdrew immediately to a new line 
near the position first occupied by Hawley. 

Selfridge's Brigade coming on the field at this time formed in 
the support of Robinson. Ward's Division arriving, also, prolonged 
Hawley's line to the left. The Twentieth Corps artillery now came 
up with horses galloping under the lash, and unlimbered in a posi- 
tion selected by Major Reynolds, where his guns commanded the 
interval between Hawley's and Robinson's brigades, and the open 
ground between the first and second lines. The repeated attacks of 
the enemy were repulsed by the artillery and by an effective cross- 
fire of infantry from Hawley's right and Robinson's left. 

While this fighting was going on, Cogswell's Brigade of Ward's 
Division was sent to fill another gap in the line of the Fourteenth 
Corps. In moving to this position Cogswell encountered a column 
of the enemy on the march to turn the left of Morgan's Division, 
which he attacked promptly, driving it back, and separating parts 
of two regiments which were captured by Morgan's troops. Cogs- 
well was hotly engaged until after dark, when Johnston's forces 
withdrew, leaving many of their dead and wounded on the field. 

308 




UJ 

co 

O 

I 

or 

LU 
Q. 
IE 
< 

X 

UJ 

I 
I- 



Gbe ftwentietb Corpa 

Slocum says in his report that the fighting was most severe in 
Morgan's front, and that too much credit cannot be awarded General 
Morgan and his command for their conduct on this occasion. 

The battle of Bentonville was over, and Johnston's nicely laid 
plan was foiled. There was considerable fighting, however, during 
the next two days. On the following morning — March twentieth 
— General Geary came up with two brigades of his division, and 
General Baird — Fourteenth Corps — brought up two brigades also. 
General Hazen — Fifteenth Corps — arrived with his entire division, 
having been sent to Slocum's support by General Sherman. Hazen, 
Morgan, and Baird were ordered to press the enemy closely, and 
Morgan gained possession of a part of Johnston's line. The next 
day — twenty-first — Howard arrived with the entire Right Wing, 
and the Confederates were forced back into their works along the 
entire line. During the night Johnston retreated across Mill Creek, 
burning the bridge behind him. 

General Sherman having united the two wings of his army, out- 
numbered Johnston three to one, and if he had wished to do so 
could have inflicted a signal defeat on the twenty-first. But it would 
have involved a serious change in the plan of his campaign at this 
time; his army was not provisioned for the pursuit of a retreating 
enemy ; and so he preferred to continue his march to Goldsborough 
where Schofield's two corps were awaiting his arrival, after which he 
could attend to Johnston better in his own time and way. 

Bentonville was General Slocum's battle, and the credit of the 
victory on the nineteenth belongs to him. His total losses in this 
engagement were: 





Killed. 


Wounded. 


Missing. 


Aggregate. 


Fourteenth Corps - 
Twentieth Corps - 
Fifteenth Corps - - - 
Seventeenth Corps 


130 
22 
22 
20 


640 
181 
166 
125 


116 
55 

2 
48 


886 
258 
190 
193 


Total 


194 


1,112 


221 


1,527 



The casualties in the Twentieth Corps occurred almost entirely 
in Cogswell's and Robinson's Brigades. 

309 



Zbe Gwenttctb Corps 

General Johnston reported his losses as follows: 





Killed. 


Wounded. 


Missing. 


Aggregate. 


Lee's Corps - ... 
Stewart's Corps - - . 
Cheatham's Corps ... - 
Hardee's Corps 

Bragg's Division ... 
Hampton's Cavalry ... 


55 
29 
18 
59 
63 
15 


443 
189 
188 
319 
475 
80 


263 
5 

37 
148 
202 

18 


761 
223 
243 
526 
740 
113 


Total 


239 


1,694 


673 


2,606 



General Johnston states in his official report that he "took 
about 15,000 men into action on the nineteenth." He claims that 
but for the thickets which impeded his movements he would 
"undoubtedly have beaten the Fourteenth and Twentieth Corps 
before five o'clock; " and that he expected to use his cavalry on 
Slocum's left, but the character of the country was such that 
Hampton could not bring it into action. 

Leaving the battlefield of Bentonville behind, three more days 
of marching brought the Twentieth Corps to Goldsborough. The 
Neuse River was crossed at Cox's Bridge on the twenty-third, and 
on the twenty-fourth the corps passed through the town, marching 
in column of review past Sherman, Slocum, Schofield and other 
distinguished generals who always were interested in seeing the men 
with the star badge go by. The corps moved on two miles beyond 
Goldsborough and encamped on the Weldon Railroad. The army 
remained here for seventeen days, in enjoyment of rest and quiet 
which was especially grateful to the men after this the longest and 
hardest campaign in the entire history of the war. 

Though the troops were "fat, saucy, and ragged," on their 
arrival they gladly embraced the opportunity to get clean and draw 
new clothing. Communication having been opened again, recruits 
and convalescents joined their respective regiments in large num- 
bers. The history of the Third Wisconsin says that on the ninth 
of April Lieut. A. S. Fitch, of the One Hundred and Seventh New 
York, came up in charge of a large number of men. They had 
marched from Wilmington, a distance of ninety miles, through a 

310 



Zbe Gwenttetb Corpe 

country of dense, pine forests, with few houses or settlements ; had 
suffered for rations; and had been annoyed by the enemy's cavalry. 
Starting out with three days' rations, they found none on the way, 
and subsisted for the last two days of their journey on dry, hard 
corn, which they parched or roasted in the ear. They were tired 
and hungry when they reached camp, and rejoiced to be with the 
command once more. 

The news that Richmond had fallen reached the camp April 
sixth, and was received with tumultuous cheers. The men realized 
that the end of the war was near, and they began to talk of home 
and muster out. 

At Goldsborough Sherman found General Schofield with the 
Army of the Ohio — Tenth and Twenty-third Corps — awaiting his 
arrival. Sherman now had three distinct armies, two corps in each, 
numbering in all 88,948, infantry, cavalry, and artillery. The vet- 
erans of the old Twelfth Corps were pleased to note the presence of 
General Greene who, having recovered from the wound received at 
Wauhatchie, was now in command of a brigade in the Fourteenth 
Corps. He received this assignment at Goldsborough, having pre- 
viously been in command of a provisional division of mixed troops 
and convalescents in Schofield's army. The men in Hawley 's Brigade 
were also pleased to see General Ruger, their former commander 
again, who was then in command of a division in the Twenty-third 
Corps. 

General Slocum's army, hitherto known as the Left Wing, was 
now designated the Army of Georgia. Gen. Joseph A. Mower, a 
division commander in the Seventeenth Corps, was promoted to the 
command of the Twentieth Corps, and General Williams was 
ordered to assume command of his old division. 

It is difficult to reconcile this treatment of General Williams 
with any sense of fairness, honesty, or justice. He was not a gradu- 
ate of West Point, but he had served with honor in the Mexican 
war. He had commanded the Twentieth Corps during a portion of 
the Atlanta campaign, and subsequently from Atlanta to Golds- 
borough. He commanded the Twelfth Corps with signal ability at 
Antietam and Gettysburg. As a brigadier general he outranked 
every officer in that army, and his commission as brigadier bore 
even date with that of Sherman himself. He commanded the 
famous "Red Star" Division in the Shenandoah Valley, in the 

311 



Gbe {Twentieth Corps 

spring of 18G2, and had been at its head throughout the entire war, 
except when in command of the corps. He had never missed a bat- 
tle or been absent from the army on any campaign; and on every 
battlefield where his troops were engaged he had displayed marked 
ability and had achieved a marked success. Through all his long and 
brilliant service not an error or mistake had ever been laid to his 
charge; and now when the war was drawing to its close he was 
deprived of his command, and his place given to a favorite. But he 
uttered no word of complaint, made no sign of dissatisfaction, and, 
loyal to his sense of duty, cheerfully resumed command of the old 
division with which his name had been so long and honorably asso- 
ciated. Sherman in explanation of this act says in his Memoirs: 
" I had specially asked for General Mower to command the Twen- 
tieth Corps, because I regarded him as one of the boldest and best 
fighting generals in the whole army. His predecessor, Gen. A. S. 
Williams, the senior division commander present, had commanded 
the corps well from Altanta to Goldsborough, and it may have 
seemed unjust to replace him at this precise moment; but I was 
resolved to be prepared for a most desperate and, as then expected, 
a final battle, should it fall on me." An explanation worse than 
none, but which is submitted to the reader for acceptance at what- 
ever he considers it worth. Sherman might have added, however, 
that on August 7, 1864, eight months previous, he wrote to General 
Washburn, at Memphis, Tenn., saying: "Tell General Mower I 
am pledged to him for his promotion, and if Old Abe don't make 
good my promise then General Mower may have my place." 
Sherman discharged the obligation — but at the expense of General 
Williams. 

Gbe Xast Sbot. 

Richmond had fallen, the event was duly celebrated at Golds- 
borough in army style, and on April tenth Sherman put his armies 
in motion for Raleigh. There was little prospect of any more 
serious fighting. With the feeling that the war was over and home 
in sight it took rare courage for a soldier to face the rifles of the 
enemy's skirmishers who were trying to delay the advancing columns. 
The Twentieth Corps, having the lead this day, encountered a cavalry 
force about six miles from Goldsborough belonging to the First 
South Carolina and Sixth North Carolina regiments, under Colonel 

312 



Gbe Gwenttetb Corps 

Black, who were driven across Moccasin Creek, a deep, rapid stream 
flowing in two channels through a wide morass. The enemy in his 
flight had removed the planking of the bridge, and had cut a mill- 
dam a short distance above, swelling the current of the stream and 
flooding the adjacent swamps. But the skirmishers of the One 
Hundred and Forty-first New York, Williams's Division, led by 
Captain Baxter, crossed on the stringers of the dismantled bridge in 
the face of the enemy's fire and drove the Confederate troopers from 
their position on the further side of the stream.* 

At the same time the One Hundred and Twenty-third New 
Yo'rk, under Col. James C. Rogers, crossed and deployed as skir- 
mishers. Advancing rapidly Rogers again developed the line of the 
enemy, and by a vigorous charge sent the Confederates flying to 
the rear. In this affair at Moccasin Creek the hardest fighting and 
greatest losses fell to the lot of the One Hundred and Twenty- 
third New York. General Selfridge in his official report speaks 
highly of Colonel Rogers for his gallantry on this occasion, — of 
" the admirable manner in which he handled his regiment, and for 
the determination evinced in his driving the enemy from his strong 
position on the opposite bank of the swamp, "t As for the Twen- 
tieth Corps, the war was over. The men with the star badge had 
fired their last shot. 

Slocum's army reached Smithfield on the eleventh, and Raleigh 
on the thirteenth. The weather on the thirteenth was unusually 
warm, some of the men falling in the ranks overcome by heat 
or sunstroke. On the twelfth, while near Smithfield, the news of 
Lee's surrender was received, and the army went wild with frantic 
joy over the news. The feeling that the war was over, that its 
dangers and hardships were past, culminated in scenes of excitement 
and extravagant demonstrations of pleasure. But this was soon fol- 
lowed by the silence and sorrow caused by the news of the assassina- 
tion of President Lincoln. 

The Twentieth Corps remained in Raleigh until the twenty- 
fifth. In the meantime, on the fourteenth, General Johnston sent 
a flag of truce into Kilpatrick's lines at Durham Station with a 

* For an interesting description of this brave act of Captain Baxter and his men, see Second 
Annual Report of Mr. Hugh Hastings, State Historian, Albany, N. Y., pp. 95-98. 

t Gen. James C. Rogers and Col. Archie E. Baxter delivered the orations at the dedication 
of the Slocum Monument at Gettysburg, September 20, 1902, meeting on that occasion for the 
first time since the fight at Moccasin Creek. 

313 



Zbe Gwentletb Corps 

message to General Sherman proposing a suspension of hostilities in 
order to arrange terms of surrender. 

On April eighteenth Sherman and Johnston signed an article of 
agreement embracing the surrender of the hitter's army and several 
other important matters of convention, all of which were forwarded 
to Washington for approval by the Government, the two armies in 
the meantime maintaining an attitude of neutrality. But Sherman 
had exceeded his powers and duties in the matter, by attempting to 
settle certain important questions of a civil and political nature. 
The papers were returned with the disapproval of the President, 
and Sherman was obliged to confine the terms of surrender to those 
granted by General Grant to General Lee. 

On the twenty-sixth another basis of agreement was reached, 
signed, and approved by General Grant, who had hastened to 
Raleigh to advise Sherman in regard to the terms which should be 
made. On the twenty-ninth a general order was read at dress 
parade directing the Fourteenth, Fifteenth, Seventeenth, and 
Twentieth Corps to proceed to Washington where they would be 
mustered out of service. 

Momewaro. 

The homeward march began April thirtieth, the troops march- 
ing through Raleigh with happy faces, an elastic step, and the 
bands playing " Home Again." It was ordered that from Raleigh 
to Richmond the troops should march fifteen miles daily ; but with 
their longing for home and joyous prospects the men stepped off at 
a pace that placed twenty miles behind them each night, and would 
gladly have done still more had it been permitted. The distance, 
170 miles, was covered in nine days. 

May eleventh the Twentieth Corps crossed the James River 
and marched through Richmond, the route selected enabling the 
men to pass by Libby Prison, Castle Thunder, and places of historic 
interest. Without halting any length of time the troops kept on 
four miles beyond the city, and encamped near Brook Church in a 
violent thunder storm. 

Here orders were issued to continue the march to Alexandria. 
On the fourteenth the corps encamped on the battlefield of Spot- 
sylvania. The ground was thickly strewn with the skeletons of the 
unburied Union soldiers, and the men recalled doubtfully the des- 

31* 



ftbe Gwentietb Corpa 

patches read to them while on the Atlanta campaign announcing 
a victory at this place. Chancellorsville was reached the next day, 
where a halt of three hours was ordered to give the veterans an 
opportunity to examine once more the ground where they had 
fought so well two years before. Marching thence over the same 
road by which they had retreated in 1863, the column crossed the 
Rappahannock at United States Ford. The remainder of the 
march northward lay through familiar places and past old camp 
grounds that revived memories of the Virginia campaign, nearly 
every mile recalling some reminiscence or incident of former serv- 
ice on these famous plains. Alexandria was reached May nine- 
teenth. The long march of 1,200 miles from Chattanooga, with all 
its dangers and hardships, was ended. 

Orders were now issued for the final grand review in Washing- 
ton — the Army of the Potomac on May twenty-third, and Sher- 
man's army on the following day. Each camp revealed a busy 
scene of preparation. Rifles were burnished, uniforms brushed, 
shoes cleaned, buttons and brasses polished. The brass guns of 
the corps artillery were scoured and brightened until they glittered 
in the sunlight. At an early hour on the morning of the twenty- 
fourth the Twentieth Corps crossed the Long Bridge and formed 
near the Capitol. With company fronts carefully equalized each 
regiment was formed in columns by divisions. At the firing of the 
signal gun at nine a. m. the vast column was put in motion, and 
Sherman with his 65,000 veterans moved through Pennsylvania 
Avenue and past the President and a host of dignitaries on the 
reviewing stand at the White House. 

Slocum with his large and imposing staff, riding at the head of 
the Army of Georgia, received a continuous ovation throughout the 
entire route. The Army of Tennessee received generous applause, 
but the crowd along the avenue, composed largely of soldiers from 
the Army of the Potomac who had been reviewed the day before, 
were evidently awaiting eagerly the appearance of the corps that 
had swung around the grand circle of eleven States. At first sight 
of General Williams and the men with the old star badge the 
veterans of the Army of the Potomac sent up a roar of enthusiastic 
greeting that did not cease its tumultuous volume until the last regi- 
ment of the corps had passed. The citizen element along the route 
joined heartily in the demonstration and added their shouts of 

315 



Gbe ftwentietb Corpe 

applause as they read on the bullet-scarred flags the historic names 
of battles that told their story of campaigns both East and West. 

The newspaper accounts of the two reviews gave unmeasured 
praise to the Twentieth Corps, to the fine appearance of the men, 
and the unsurpassed excellence of their marching. Whole columns 
were devoted to a history of its campaigns, and to the brilliant 
military records of Slocum, Williams, Geary, and Ward. It was 
a proud day for General Slocum and every soldier that wore the 
good old flannel star. 

The history of the Twentieth Corps ends with the Grand 
Review. There its war-worn regiments formed line and marched 
together for the last time. As fast as practicable the regiments, 
having been mustered out, left Washington, and on June 1, 1865, 
the corps was declared discontinued by general order. As each 
battalion reached home it was paid off and disbanded. Its flags 
were furled and the men disappeared in the walks of civil life. 

316 



HppenMr. 



Gettysburg National path. 



317 



Gettysburg Bational park. 



THE initial action by Congress for the preservation of the lines 
of battle at Gettysburg, and which foreshadowed the estab- 
lishment of the Gettysburg National Park, is contained in 
an item of the Sundry Civil Bill, passed March 3, 1893. 

By an act approved March 3, 1873, Congress authorized the 
Secretary of War to deliver to the Gettysburg Battlefield Memorial 
Association condemned cannon and cannon balls, "for the purpose 
of their work of indication of the battlefield of Gettysburg." A 
contract was made April 25, 1874, by the United States, with Mr. 
John B. Bachelder, for the preparation and delivery of 3,000 sets 
of maps, each set consisting of three sheets, showing the position 
of the Union and Confederate armies July 1, 2, 3, 1863. 

By act of Congress, approved June 9, 1880, provision was made 
for the compilation of all available data used in locating troops on 
the Engineer's maps of the battle; also, for diagrams showing the 
movements and positions during the engagement, and for Mr. Bach- 
elder's compensation for services and maps and the manuscript 
describing the same. 

Hon. Daniel S. Lamont, Secretary of War, appointed on May 
25, 1893, Lieut. Col. John P. Nicholson, John B. Bachelder and 
Brig. Gen. W. H. Forney, Battlefield Commissioners. General 
Forney having died, Maj. William M. Robbins, the latter of 
the Confederate army, was appointed in March, 1894, to succeed 
him, and Mr. Bachelder having subsequently died, Maj. Charles 
A. Richardson was appointed his successor in April, 1895. By sec- 
tion 3 of the act of Congress of February 11, 1895, the commis- 
sioners theretofore appointed, and their successors, were placed in 
charge of the Gettysburg National Park, subject to the supervision 
and direction of the Secretary of War. 

Upon organization, the commission found important lines of 
battle occupied by an electric railway, the construction of which had 
been begun early in April, 1893. All efforts to induce the Electric 

31!. 



(Sctt^sburo national Iparfo 

Railway Company to vacate the lines of battle, in what is known as 
the Loop, the Devil's Den, and through the Valley of Death, having 
failed, condemnation proceedings were commenced in the United 
States Circuit Court at Philadelphia, which decided in an opinion 
announced on May 29, 1894, that authority had not been distinctly 
given for the acquisition of such lands as may be necessary to enable 
the War Department to execute the purposes declared in the act of 
March, 1893. 

In view of this decision and the imminent danger that portions 
of the battlefield might be irreparably defaced, General Sickles, a 
member of the Fifty-third Congress, prepared in consultation with 
Attorney General Olney a joint resolution which he presented in the 
House of Representatives May 31, 1894, and which was passed on 
that date and by the Senate on June 2, 1894, receiving the approval 
of the President June 6, 1894. Acting under the authority given 
by the statutes and the joint resolution above referred to, the United 
States District Attorney for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania, 
by direction of the Attorney General, renewed the condemnation 
proceedings. Exceptions to the jury's award were filed by the 
Gettysburg Electric Railway Company as being inadequate, and it 
appealed therefrom. The United States also appealed on the ground 
that the damages were excessive. The point was also made by the 
railway company that the United States had no right under the 
Constitution to acquire lands for the purposes of the act, and, there- 
fore, could not invoke the right of eminent domain therefor, even 
by act of Congress. 

An appeal was finally taken on this point to the United States 
Supreme Court, October Term, 1895. Several extracts from the 
unanimous opinion of the Court, dated January 27, 1896, and 
delivered by Mr. Justice Peckham, are given below: — 

The really important question to be determined in these proceedings is 
whether the use to which the petitioner desires to put the land described in the 
petitions is of that kind of public use for which the government of the United 
States is authorized to condemn land. 

Upon the question whether the proposed use of this land is a public one, 
we think there can be no well-founded doubt. And, also, in our judgment, 
the government has the constitutional power to condemn the land for the pro- 
posed use. . . . Any act of Congress which plainly and directly tends to 
enhance the respect and love of the citizen for the institutions of his country 

320 



(Bett^sburg mattonal fl>arft 

and to quicken and strengthen his motives to defend them and which is ger- 
mane to and intimately connected with and appropriate to the exercise of some 
one or all of the powers granted by Congress, must be valid. This proposed 
use comes within such description. 

The end to be attained by this proposed use as provided for by the act of 
Congress is legitimate and lies within the scope of the Constitution. The 
battle of Gettysburg was one of the greatest battles of the world. The num- 
bers contained in the opposing armies were great ; the sacrifice of life was dread- 
ful ; while the bravery, and, indeed, the heroism, displa3 r ed by both the contend- 
ing forces rank with the highest exhibition of those qualities ever made by man. 
The importance of the issue involved in the contest, of which this great battle 
was a part, cannot be overestimated. The existence of the government itself 
and the perpetuity of our institutions depended upon the result. 
Can it be that the government is without power to preserve the land and 
properly mark out the various sites upon which this struggle took place? Can 
it not erect the monuments provided for by these acts of Congress or even take 
possession of the field of battle in the name and for the benefit of all the 
citizens of the country for the present and for the future? Such a use seems 
necessarily not only a public use but one so closely connected with the welfare 
of the Republic itself as to be within the powers granted Congress by the Con- 
stitution for the purpose of protecting and preserving the whole country. It 
would be a great object lesson to all who looked upon the land thus cared for 
and it would show a proper recognition of the great things that were done there 
on those momentous days. . . . Such action on the part of Congress 
touches the heart and comes home to the imagination of every citizen and 
greatly tends to enhance his love and respect for those institutions for which 
those heroic sacrifices were made. The greater the love of the citizen for the 
institutions of his country, the greater is the dependence properly to be placed 
upon him for their defense in time of necessity, and it is to such men that the 
country must look for its safety. 

Maj. Gen. D. E. Sickles, U. S. A. Chairman of the Gettys- 
burg Monuments Commission of the State of New York, intro- 
duced at the third session of the fifty-third Congress, in the 
House of Representatives, on December 7, 1894, a bill which he 
had prepared to establish a National Military Park at Gettys- 
burg, Penn. 

The boundaries of the various contiguous parcels and connect- 
ing avenues of the Park were selected and laid out on a map of 
the field by A. J. Zabriskie, civil engineer, under the direction 
of General Sickles, and embraced lines which were occupied by 
the infantry, artillery and cavalry on the 1st, 2d and 3d days of 

21 321 



(3ctt\>sburo IRatkmal ff>arft 

.July, 1863, and other adjacent lands that were considered necessary 
to preserve important topographical features. This map, with the 
acreage of the various parcels indicated thereon, was filed in the 
office of the Secretary of War. 

Provision was made in the bill for the transfer of the land 
belonging to the Gettysburg Battlefield Memorial Association, 
together with all rights of way for avenues and all improvements 
made by the Association, to the United States. 

The eighth section of the bill provided for the erection of a 
suitable bronze tablet, containing the address delivered by President 
Lincoln on November 19, 1863, on the occasion of the dedication 
of the National Cemetery. Section 2 stipulated that the lands 
conveyed to the United States, and such other lands on the bat- 
tlefield as the United States may acquire, should be known as the 
Gettysburg National Park. This bill, amended in minor particu- 
lars only, became a law by the approval of President Cleveland, 
February 11, 1895. 

In accordance with the provisions of this act the Board of 
Directors of the Gettysburg Battlefield Memorial Association met 
at Gettysburg on May 22, 1895, and passed a resolution directing 
the Vice-President as Acting President of the Association and the 
Secretary to execute and deliver a deed of conveyance of the lands 
of the Association to the United States upon the payment by the 
United States of the indebtedness of the Association to an amount 
not exceeding two thousand dollars ($2,000). Such deed was there- 
after, on the 4th day of February, 1896, duly executed and deliv- 
ered, and the indebtedness, amounting to $1,960.46, was duly paid. 
The total receipts of the Association, from its organization in 1864 
to 1895, were $106,575.59. 

The Legislature of Pennsylvania, by an act approved June 26, 
1895, ceded jurisdiction of that commonwealth over certain public 
roads within the limits of the Park to the United States, subject to 
certain reservations as to the execution of civil and criminal proc- 
esses thereon and as to offenses committed thereon against the 
criminal laws of the commonwealth. 

By an act approved June 10, 1896, Congress authorized the 
Secretary of War from time to time to accept and improve such of 
these roads as he may in his jurisdiction judge proper. 

The positions of the various regiments and batteries of the Union 

322 



Gettysburg national park 

Army were mostly determined by the Gettysburg Battlefield 
Memorial Association in conference with commissions from the 
several States having commands on that field, assisted by survivors 
of the respective organizations, who visited the field in large numbers 
when the work of the Association and that of these commissioners 
was in active progress. The duty of locating and fixing on the 
ground the positions and evolutions of the Confederate Army 
devolved upon the National Commission, who have given much 
attention thereto and in which they have received the aid of many 
Confederate soldiers who have visited Gettysburg at the request of 
the Commission to point out positions, which are marked tentatively 
by iron tablets with suitable inscriptions. It is hoped that they will 
soon be replaced with tablets of granite and bronze. 

The National Commission have likewise marked the positions of 
the United States regular troops in this battle, consisting of eleven 
regiments of infantry, four regiments of cavalry, twenty-six batteries 
of artillery, and one battalion of engineers. By act of Congress, 
approved February 18, 1903, provision has been made to erect 
monuments to these troops and the sum of sixty-one thousand 
five hundred ($61,500) dollars has been appropriated therefor. 

Union and Confederate battery positions are marked by two or 
more guns to each battery of the same class and calibre as those which 
constituted the battery. The guns are mounted on substantial iron 
carriages set upon granite blocks. 

There have also been erected on the roads leading from Gettys- 
burg, twelve in all, tablets of iron giving the distance to neighbor- 
ing towns and villages more or less connected with the story of the 
battle. Itinerary tablets for the Army of the Potomac have been 
erected on Cemetery Hill and at the towns and villages within a 
day's march of Gettysburg, through which the Union forces passed, 
with inscriptions setting forth the movements of the several corps, 
divisions and minor bodies of troops constituting the Union Army 
on the days immediately before and after the battle, and giving the 
day and hour of such movements respectively. Similar tablets have 
been erected on West Confederate Avenue, setting forth in like 
manner the movements during the same period of the several bodies 
of troops comprising the Confederate Army. Tablets bearing the 
same inscription will probably be placed at the appropriate points 
from which the army marched to Gettysburg. 

323 



(5ett\)St>uro "(Rational park 

There have been erected by the National Commission on the 
Gettysburg battlefield and the approaches thereto 450 tablets, as 
follows: 30 Union battery tablets; 4 Union artillery and 10 Union 
infantry tablets to the United States Regulars; 17 itinerary tablets 
indicating the direction and distances on the roads radiating from 
Gettysburg; 2 tablets indicating the movements of the Second and 
Third Confederate Corps; 11 Confederate artillery battalion tab- 
lets; 52 Confederate battery tablets; 32 Confederate brigade tab- 
lets; 10 Confederate itinerary tablets on West Confederate Avenue; 
and 270 tablets for other purposes; 319 guns have been mounted 
on substantial iron carriages; 305 stones mounted with 10 and 
13-inch shells have been substantially set up for various purposes 
on the field, particularly to protect the curves on the avenues. 

The restoration and preservation of the features of the battlefield, 
as they existed at the time of the battle, are matters that have 
received close attention, and much work has been and is being done 
in the repairing and rebuilding of stone fences and walls which served 
as important military defenses, the restoration and preservation of 
buildings, and the renewal of forests where they have been cut 
away since the battle. 

Five regularly employed guards or watchmen are on the battle- 
field to prevent desecration and injury by thoughtless or mischievous 
visitors. 

Five steel towers have been constructed for purposes of observa- 
tion. There is one on the summit of Big Round Top, sixty feet 
high; another on Seminary Ridge near the junction of West 
Confederate Avenue with the Wheatfield Road, seventy-five feet 
high ; also one the same height on Oak Ridge near the Mummas- 
burg Road; the fourth, on the summit of Culp's Hill, is sixty feet 
high ; and the last one erected is in Ziegler's Grove near the Bryan 
House, and is seventy-five feet high. 

Pursuant to act of Congress of February 11, 1895, hereinbefore 
referred to, the Gettysburg Battlefield Memorial Association trans- 
ferred by deed of conveyance to the United States all the lands 
belonging to the Association — an aggregate of 522. 25 acres — and 
there has since been acquired by the National Commission, in plots 
ranging in size from . 002 of an acre to 161 acres, the largest single 
purchase, an aggregate of 827 acres. Summarizing the foregoing, it 
will be seen that the United States now owns and controls 1,349 
acres. 

384 



<5ett£stnirfl IHattonal park 

The Gettysburg Battlefield Memorial Association, which was 
the immediate predecessor of the National Commission, laid out 
and constructed driveways along the principal lines of battle of the 
several corps of the Union Army ; these driveways were earth roads, 
whose condition depended, in locations where the soil was of a 
clayey nature, upon the character of the weather. Upon the pas- 
sage of the control to the National Government, steps were imme- 
diately taken for the improvement of these driveways and the 
placing of them in such condition as to make their designation as 
avenues an appropriate name at all times. The National Commis- 
sion, after consideration and study of the subject, adopted the Tel- 
ford system as promising the best results in solidity and durability. 
The stone used is Syenitic granite and ironstone. 

The main avenues follow the battle formations of the several 
corps of both armies, and are designated along the Union lines by 
the names of the respective corps commanders; sections are in cer- 
tain instances designated by the names of the commanders of divi- 
sions that occupied the respective portions of the line. The avenues 
along the Confederate lines have thus far been known only by their 
geographical location on the field, such as West Confederate Ave- 
nue on Seminary Ridge, East Confederate Avenue along the south- 
erly base of Culp's Hill, etc. The Telford avenues thus far com- 
pleted aggregate 20 miles in length. 

The appropriations by Congress available for the preservation 
and establishment and maintenance of the Park have aggregated 
the sum of $655,922.50 to date. 

325 



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